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This article deals with a critical challenge for policymakers: how can political actors become policy winners in areas where they have previously experienced resounding losses? To address this puzzle, the article develops William Riker's concept of heresthetic, which describes how clever actors can disrupt the equilibrium of the political opposition by re-framing people's choices in such a way that they are inclined to contribute to their cause. Specifically, we propose a new analytical framework that enables scholars to trace and explain the various strategies available to politicians who seek to advance seemingly detrimental or risky policies in circumstances of uncertainty and complexity. This is applied to the surprising case of education reforms advanced by Australia's Liberal–National Coalition. In doing so, the article affirms the importance of vicarious instruction for aspiring herestheticians, the media, and the citizens whom they seek to manipulate.

AbstractCorporate activities have impacts on different groups across societies, and businesses therefore have different sets of responsibilities to these groups. These are increasingly being addressed through corporate social responsibility (CSR) and corporate community development (CCD) initiatives, and there is now a wide body of literature that highlights the value of CSR for business. However, less attention has been paid to understanding the impacts of these activities from the perspective of communities. This paper "reverses the lens" to explore these community perspectives. We argue that communities see and evaluate CSR/CCD in terms of the broader immanent effects of the corporate presence rather than simply the intentional CSR programs and prioritize relationships over material outcomes. We outline an agenda for corporations that begins with the realization that core business practices can impact profoundly on long‐term community development and that effective contributions require corporations to "embrace chaos" and to develop the types of relationships that foreground community goals and priorities.

Scholars in recent decades have discussed the emergence of a new leader-dominated party type, variously described as 'personal', 'personalistic' and 'personalist'. However, there has been no original comparative research examining whether (and how) such parties resemble one another organizationally and whether they constitute a distinct organizational type. This article does so by comparing the parties of Silvio Berlusconi in Italy and Clive Palmer in Australia. Based on interviews with those in the parties and party documents, we find our cases share two distinctive organizational features: (1) the founder-leader's dominance of the party and perceived centrality to its survival and (2) the relationship between the party and members saw active members discouraged and organization at the local level was extremely limited/non-existent. Building on this analysis, we then propose three criteria for identifying other personal parties and point to the existence of a possible subtype. We conclude that the emergence of personal parties requires us to reconsider our understanding of contemporary party organizations in advanced democracies.

In this paper, we use the development of the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (APST) as an illustrative case to examine how national schooling reforms are assembled in Australia's federal system. Drawing upon an emerging body of research on 'policy assemblage' within the fields of policy sociology, anthropology and critical geography, we focus on interactions between three dominant 'component parts' in the development of the APST: the Australian federal government; New South Wales state government agencies; and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. While policies like the APST claim to be national in form and scope, our analysis suggests 'the national' is much more disjunctive and nebulous, constituted by a heterogeneous and emergent assemblage of policy ideas, practices, actors and organisations, which often reflect transnational traits and impulses. We thus see national reforms such as the APST as having a phantom-like nature, which poses challenges for researchers seeking to understand the making of national policies in federal systems.

This article critically examines recent works on resilience. In so doing, it argues that rather than representing some radical rupture with current practices heralding the dawn of a new era, as David Chandler claims, the emphasis on individuals as resilient subjects simply represents a new phase in the neoliberal shift from the state as provider to state as enabler and promoter of self-reliance. Indeed, our present preoccupation with complexity, uncertainty, and resilience can best be understood as reflecting the consequences of neoliberal policies Moreover, the article further argues that there is an attendant danger that resilience thinking may further promote neoliberal forms of governmentality and encourage a degree of political passivity. The emphasis on resilience is in danger of depoliticising highly political choices, shifting attention toward ex-post policies of survival and recovery rather than challenging the current economic order and resisting the further imposition of neoliberal policies on already beleaguered populations. This article therefore argues for shifting our emphasis towards a Foucauldian analysis of power and resistance.

El objetivo de la presente investigación fue determinar de qué manera se relaciona la didáctica militar con el estrés académico de los oficiales alumnos del Diplomado en Liderazgo y Gestión de la Compañía de Infantería, en la Escuela de Infantería del Ejército - 2017. El enfoque de la investigación fue cuantitativo, de tipo descriptivo correlacional, de diseño no experimental. La población estuvo compuesta por 52 oficiales alumnos, de ahí se tomó una muestra de 46, obtenidos por muestreo aleatorio, a quienes se les aplicó una encuesta de 15 preguntas con una escala de cinco categorías de respuestas referida a ambas variables. Este instrumento tuvo una alta confiabilidad de 0.922. Se realizó el análisis correspondiente a los resultados de la encuesta llegando a la demostración empírica de que un 90.2% apoya o considera positivamente los requerimientos de los indicadores y las dimensiones propuestas en el instrumento; esto fue ampliamente corroborado y contrastado empleando el chi cuadrado. Se concluyó que la didáctica militar se relaciona directamente con el estrés académico de los oficiales alumnos del Diplomado en Liderazgo y Gestión de la Compañía de Infantería, en la Escuela de Infantería del Ejército – 2017. ; Universidad Nacional de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle ; Tesis

The so-called Bactrian tax-receipt is a small leather document written in Greek, from the early 2nd century BC. Found in 1994, it is a rare administrative document from the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. It was uniquely dated in the reigns of three kings: Antimachos (I) Theos, and his joint-regents Eumenes and Antimachos. For this paper, further technical analyses, including an IR photograph, were made to analyse traces of damaged text. The correct reading of the last line is affirmed, and the name of a fourth king, Apollodotos, could possibly be reconstructed. The political framework for the dating formula is also studied; including its possible connection to the rare Attic tetradrachms of the Indo-Greek ruler Apollodotos I. Finally, a remarkable passage in the 1st Book of Maccabees claims that Eumenes II of Pergamon, in the treaty of Apamea in 188 BC, was awarded Seleucid lands in Media and India. An analysis is made about whether the treaty may have actually included a clause about (apparently only nominal) Pergamene influence over eastern Seleucid vassal-states, and whether there might possibly be a connection to the otherwise unattested ruler Eumenes in the tax-receipt.

AbstractThis article critically examines recent works on resilience. In so doing, it argues that rather than representing some radical rupture with current practices heralding the dawn of a new era, as David Chandler claims, the emphasis on individuals as resilient subjects simply represents a new phase in the neoliberal shift from the state as provider to state as enabler and promoter of self-reliance. Indeed, our present preoccupation with complexity, uncertainty, and resilience can best be understood as reflecting the consequences of neoliberal policies Moreover, the article further argues that there is an attendant danger that resilience thinking may further promote neoliberal forms of governmentality and encourage a degree of political passivity. The emphasis on resilience is in danger of depoliticising highly political choices, shifting attention toward ex-post policies of survival and recovery rather than challenging the current economic order and resisting the further imposition of neoliberal policies on already beleaguered populations. This article therefore argues for shifting our emphasis towards a Foucauldian analysis of power and resistance.