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The article enhances Frigga Haug's theses on Marxism-feminism by discussing a silence in the theses regarding the internal colonialism of the feminist movement that continue creating racialised hierarchies among White feminist and indigenous people and women of colour and their struggles. The author contends that Marxism-Feminism is failing to find new ways to understand diversity due to the influence of traditional Eurocentric Marxism. To tackle the problem, Marxism-feminism requires a decolonising Marxism that draws on 'late Marx' and recent Marxist and feminist theoretical developments aiming to criticise and de-Westernise and de-Eurocentralise Marxism. The author explores four elements for a 'decolonising' Marxism (value theory, subsumption and social formation, linear development of radical change and temporality of struggles) and discusses its implications on Marxism-feminism towards a possible thesis 14 on Marxism-feminism.

The contributions to the Forum refer to Simon Clarke's 'two stages of the same project', as Clarke explained regarding Marx's work. They make apparent that Clarke's initial intellectual contributions to the critique of political economy, form analysis, value theory, theory of the state and money were essential to his later understanding of the collapse and metamorphosis of the former URSS State Socialism into a capitalist form, and his analysis of the political implications of such transformation on labour relations, working-class interests and class struggle in Russia, other Eastern European countries, China, and Vietnam.

ABSTRACTTo what extent are recent labour upsurges defensive struggles? This essay uses the experience of the Argentinean Movement of Unemployed Workers (also called the Piquetero movement) as the empirical basis for discussing the contribution of unemployed workers to the current reshaping of the labour question. The author offers an alternative interpretation of the Piqueteros' experience of resistance that emphasizes their critique and alternative visions, and the transformations and alternatives that the movement put forward at a time when 'labour' was said to be defeated. The struggles of the unemployed workers in Argentina during the 1990s should not be classified as a defensive struggle for inclusion in the labour market, or as a demand for social security (although these demands were significant in the Piqueteros' agenda); rather they should be seen as advancing significant changes at identity/organizational, socioeconomic and political institutional levels. These changes deserve special attention in terms of their significance for the reshaping of the labour question in the twenty‐first century. The Piquetero utopia of dignified work does not rely on state policy such as Universal Income Support. Instead, the state and policy are mediations of the autonomous struggle for the prefigurations of a better society.

This article offers a comprehensive review of John Holloway's Crack Capitalism by situating it within the wider body of his work spanning the last two decades. The article reflects on the significance of Holloway's argument that revolution must be conceived as an interstitial process, suggesting that this latest volume offers both a more grounded analysis of capitalism and an exploration of the poetry of 'cracks' that rupture the capitalist 'synthesis'. Holloway effectively articulates Adorno's negative dialectics with Bloch's principle of hope, pointing to the necessity of rejecting what-is and opening outwards to what-is-not-yet.

This article aims to contribute to the debate on the short- to medium-term political implications of the 2001 Argentine crisis (see issues 10.4, pp. 5-38 and 14.1. pp. 155-248 of this journal). The bulk of the argument deals with the criticism of the notion of 'reinvention of politics'. The article presents the theoretical premises and empirical data which sustain this proposal. It is argued that in order to appreciate the political innovation brought about by the events of December 2001, it is important first to consider the political, social and economic forms of capitalist transformations and crises that shaped them. Secondly, to locate this event in historical perspective, as a constitutive node within a non-teleological continuum of resistance. Thirdly, to view capitalist crises as presenting open opportunities for the reinvention of the forms of resistance, and to underscore that reinvention occurs as a result of simultaneous struggles against capital and for self-affirmation and recognition. By using examples of organisational innovation and social intervention by the piquetero movement it is suggested that December 2001 led to new practices or facilitated the development of existing forms of collective action that have often been overlooked by those disappointed by the ensuing political developments. The article also discusses the problem of periodisation, addressing the relationship between Marxism and the use of data produced by non-Marxist researchers, and calls into question the adequacy of Cartesian rationality for understanding December 2001 and the meaning of political change in Argentina. Adapted from the source document.

English
In the last decade many Argentine enterprises became bankrupt, inspiring thousands of workers to take them over and resume production by forming cooperatives. In 2004, the Programme for Self-Managed Work became the instrument by which the government 'institutionalised' the takeovers, depoliticising the radical aspects of workers' actions in exchange for financial and technical assistance in pursuit of workers' objectives of job preservation and self-managed work. This article presents results from (1) an ongoing ESRC research project on 'The Movement of the Unemployed in Argentina'(RES-155-25-0007), NGPA Programme, LSE and (2) previous research on social mobilisation and policy change in Argentina (2002–03).