Suchergebnisse

The Biden administration openly declares Washington's intention to "play offense, act more aggressively" against China, which, in its opinion, is an "unfriendly" country and pursues a policy of "military-civilian fusion" aimed at undermining American production and national security. In accordance with the doctrine of "precision decoupling", the desire to "actively strangle large segments of the Chinese technology industry" becomes a priority instrument of pressure on China and is put above the commercial interests of American companies and concerns about the possible diplomatic or economic consequences of these steps. Subsidies, tax incentives, as well as regulations obliging American enterprises to use local raw materials, components and parts become the main instruments of competition designed to "put an end" to US dependence on imports of semiconductor products. The possibility of extending restrictions on the sale of almost any equipment containing at least a small proportion of American technologies is being studied. The actions of the Biden administration are based on the presumption of the existence of an insurmountable gap in the scientific and technical power of the United States and China. However, an objective analysis of the existing global economic relations in the semiconductor industry indicates a high degree of dependence of this industry in the United States on the state of cooperation with firms in China, Taiwan and South Korea. A radical restructuring of supply and logistics chains can lead to an increase in production costs and, ultimately, to disruptions in the US manufacturing sector. Despite the sanctions, China aims to increase its share in the semiconductor technology market and intends to concentrate resources on original and innovative scientific and technical research to pursue a course towards self-sufficiency.

The article examines the effectiveness of the strategy for restoring the competitiveness of the manufacturing industry in the United States. The main vulnerabilities of the "produce more in America" policy, the course to restore and reformat broken supply chains are considered using the example of key manufacturing industries. It is stated that the policy of rehabilitation of the manufacturing industry pursued by Biden is not a unique phenomenon for the United States. It was adhered to, to a greater or lesser extent, by the Obama and Trump administrations. However, only the Biden administration ordered to put it at the center of the ideology of the American revival. It is noted in this article that structural reforms to transform the industrial sector, implemented with unprecedentedly high financial support from the federal authorities, are directed at creating new jobs, forming new industrial clusters and innovation centers. The main efforts are aimed at targeted manufacturing industries: pharmaceuticals, strategic metals and minerals, electric vehicles, and semiconductors. The use of nationally produced goods, reshoring and the formation of supply chains within the United States are proclaimed as the main preconditions for building a truly strong economy. The concept of "real energy independence" promoted by Biden, relies on renewable energy sources. A new impetus to the "greening" of the energy sector may be given to compensate companies investing in renewable energy sources for the costs associated with the forced replacement of foreign suppliers with national ones. Meanwhile, in effect, the attitude of Washington towards hydrocarbon energy remains fairly loyal, at least at the time of high fuel prices. In the domestic economic agenda, the priorities of industrial policy are being revived, aimed at achieving sole technological leadership. However, Washington's achievements cannot be interpreted solely as the successes of Biden's economic policy. An equally significant role was played by the expansion of domestic demand against the background of overcoming the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. The vector of further development is determined by the slogan "surpass China and the rest of the world". The White House is trying to persuade American companies to build new manufacturing facilities in the US in order to compete with Chinese suppliers. However, against the background of China's obvious desire to develop its own research and production base, the opportunities for American diсtate are narrowing. Import substitution is a slow process – "money speaks louder than economic patriotism". Only a small portion of the business returns to the country, because of global instability, China is considered by a large part of American investors as a fairly safe haven. Washington's attempts to squeeze China out of the supply chains have only accelerated the implementation of Beijing's programs aimed at achieving technological selfsufficiency and "de-Americanization". In recent years, the epicenter of the policy of technological containment, pursued by the United States against China, has shifted towards Russia. Our country is accused by Washington of deliberately orchestrating disruptions in the supply chains in energy and agricultural commodities markets. The experience of anti-Chinese actions, accumulated in the competitive struggle against companies and state organizations, and coordinated with US allies, is being used now against Russian exporters.

The spread of the coronavirus pandemic and the slowdown in economic activity in the United States have strengthened the position of supporters of "decoupling" from China. The U.S.-China relations are progressing from "patient integration" to "impatient disengagement". Escalating research spending, accelerated industrial modernization, and the expansion of China's high-tech exports have been identified as major challenges to American technology dominance. The fragility of global value chains in cooperative relationships between US and Chinese companies has become particularly evident. The United States plan to free themselves from dependence on China's innovative technologies and critical materials. Washington's efforts to revive the country's manufacturing industry received a new impetus. American TNCs have begun to return some of their enterprises to the USA. The "technological boycott" of China is aimed at causing maximum damage to the development of any competitive business that presents a challenge to American multinational corporations, and to slow down the progressive technological development of the PRC. Equally important are considerations of industrial policy aimed at crowding out competitors. Washington's protectionist actions led to a reduction in trade and mutual investment and have put American companies targeting Asian consumers in a difficult position. Washington is beginning to fear that Beijing may powerfully respond to the United States with countermeasures that are sensitive to the American military-industrial complex and innovative sectors of the economy. Washington's aggressive actions are mobilizing China's efforts to move up the value chain and localize products to achieve self-sufficiency in key technologies. However, the threat remains that protectionism could become a "new normal" not only for U.S.-China relations. The only viable alternative to this scenario may be the joining of efforts of market participants interested in returning to international legal norms of trade.

Сomprehensive energy strategy presumes focusing of U.S. government's and private investors' efforts in the following key areas: increasing energy efficiency of the national economy, search for effective alternative to traditional motor fuels, safe and responsible production of hydrocarbon resources, promotion of renewable energy investments, accent on the innovation component of the energy complex. Thanks to "shale revolution", the US will fully cover domestic demand for natural gas by domestic production and may become an exporter of LNG. Cheap gas is a competitive advantage for the United States and can serve as a foundation for a new era of rapid economic development. Dependence on the supply of oil from abroad will gradually weaken, but doubts remain about the U.S. ability to achieve full self-sufficiency in oil.

The paper suggests a self-organizing multi-component computational algorithm as a solution to the problem of optimizing the structure of distribution electrical networks to minimize the loss of power. The suggested algorithm is consistent with the method of branches and borders and uses the apparatus of the Petri computer networks (PCN) apparatus. The PCN apparatus has a universal computational capability to process symbolic-numeric data, which along with the solution of calculating problems, provides for the structural and logical analysis of the systems and processes under study. The structure of the PCN based algorithm is similar to the studied system, which provides for better visualization and convenience of interpretation, modification, and implementation of this algorithm on one or more computers by paralleling computational processes for better system performance. Computing modules within the general text of the algorithm can be arranged in any given order and solve the problem by organizing themselves in the process of functioning. © 2020 ; The reported research was partly funded by Russian Foundation for Basic Research and the government of the Yamal region of the Russian Federation , grant No. 19-48-890001.