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The aim of this article is to discuss urban climate policies, with a special focus on Helsinki, the fast growing capital of Finland. The preconditionfor the study is that metropolitan areas in Finland hold a central place fornational climate policies due to their population and economic impact. Thecase study proves that the city, which had disadvantageous conditions for climatesolutions in the early 90's, has successfully remodelled its approach andpresently joins the group of world cities declaring carbon neutrality in comingyears. The change was possible due to a favourable political climate, a multistakeholderand inclusive approach, public involvement, and the correlationbetween public and private initiatives. The study is based on statistical data,institutional analysis, and a comparison of the strategic documents of the cityof Helsinki in the area of climate planning.

The aim of the article is to discuss the Norwegian Model of hydrocarbon management and its impact on building a just and equal society. Since 1972, the model has been based on the separation of policy, commercial, and regulatory functions. Within each area there is state-controlled institution with its own distinct role. This model of separation of duties is however combined with other unique features which cannot be easily copied by other counties. These include a long tradition and high level of democratic co-operation, intergovernmental checks and balances, socio-democratic traditions of strong public involvement, mature institutional capacity (mainly a competent bureaucracy) and highly developed model of co-operation between government, business and research institutions.

The aim of the article is to discuss the Norwegian Model of hydrocarbon management and its impact on building a just and equal society. Since 1972, the model has been based on the separation of policy, commercial, and regulatory functions. Within each area there is state-controlled institution with its own distinct role. This model of separation of duties is however combined with other unique features which cannot be easily copied by other counties. These include a long tradition and high level of democratic co-operation, intergovernmental checks and balances, socio-democratic traditions of strong public involvement, mature institutional capacity (mainly a competent bureaucracy) and highly developed model of co-operation between government, business and research institutions.

Problem zmian klimatu ze względu na koszty społeczne i ekonomiczne staje się w ostatnich latach jednym z czynników antagonizujących bądź scalających narodowe systemy polityczne i występujące tam podmioty. Casus Norwegii jako czołowego w Europie producenta oraz eksportera ropy i gazu wydaje się zasługiwać na szczególną uwagę. Główne podmioty polityczne w tym państwie, jak: Norweska Partia Pracy (DnA), Partia Konserwatywna (H), Socjalistyczna Partia Lewicy (SV), Chrześcijańska Partia Ludowa (Kr.F), Partia Centrum (S), Partia Liberalna (V) wyrażają w kwestii celów narodowej polityki klimatycznej dość istotną zbieżność, choć różnią się w kwestiach operacyjnych. Istotnym wyjątkiem w podejściu do omawianej problematyki jest stanowisko Partii Postępu (Fr.P).Celem artykułu jest analiza założeń programowych w obszarze polityki klimatycznej i ochrony klimatu wszystkich ugrupowań parlamentarnych oraz ocena ich praktycznej implementacji w minionej dekadzie.

Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently becomeone of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gasseems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country,such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), theSocialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) andthe Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the nationalclimate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the ProgressParty (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. Thisarticle aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climateprotection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in thepast decade. ; Problem zmian klimatu ze względu na koszty społeczne i ekonomiczne staje się w ostatnich latach jednym z czynników antagonizujących bądź scalających narodowe systemypolityczne i występujące tam podmioty. Casus Norwegii jako czołowego w Europie producenta oraz eksportera ropy i gazu wydaje się zasługiwać na szczególną uwagę. Głównepodmioty polityczne w tym państwie, jak: Norweska Partia Pracy (DnA), Partia Konserwatywna (H), Socjalistyczna Partia Lewicy (SV), Chrześcijańska Partia Ludowa (Kr.F),Partia Centrum (S), Partia Liberalna (V) wyrażają w kwestii celów narodowej politykiklimatycznej dość istotną zbieżność, choć różnią się w kwestiach operacyjnych. Istotnymwyjątkiem w podejściu do omawianej problematyki jest stanowisko Partii Postępu (Fr.P).Celem artykułu jest analiza założeń programowych w obszarze polityki klimatyczneji ochrony klimatu wszystkich ugrupowań parlamentarnych oraz ocena ich praktycznejimplementacji w minionej dekadzie.

Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently become one of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gas seems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country, such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), the Socialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) and the Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the national climate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the Progress Party (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. This article aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climate protection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in the past decade.

The meaning of dialogue can differ. In a very narrow sense it is defined as a reciprocal conversation between two or more persons. However from scientific point of view it should be first of all understood as an universal value, one of the most important premises for social actions. Dialogue should be than seen either as a form of bilateral or multilateral relations on global or regional scale or as a method of reaching political decisions inside the political system, functioning as a stabilizing factor. A constructive dialogue is constituted by three basic rules: rule of mutual understanding; rule of mutual respect; rule of integrity of each side's convictions and behavior. Coexistence of these aspects creates practical mechanisms for solving problems of human condition, civilization threats and social and cultural conflicts in a globalized world.

Poland, like many societies across the world, is becoming more polarized in diverse areas of life, as contending forces seek to advance incompatible agendas. The polarization over values in Polish politics was evident already before communism collapsed but became more obvious in the following years and reached a crescendo after the October 2015 parliamentary elections, which brought a right-wing party into power. This volume focuses on the years since 1989, looking at the clash between civic values (the rule of law, individual rights, tolerance, respect for the harm principle, equality, and neutrality of the state in matters of religion) and uncivic values (the rule of a dictator or dictatorial party, contempt for individual rights, bigotry, disrespect for the harm principle, unequal treatment of people whether through discrimination or through exploitation, and state favoritism of one religion over others). The authors address voting behavior, political parties, anti-Semitism, homophobia, the role of the Catholic Church, and reflections in history textbooks, fi lm, and even rock music. This volume makes clear that for the foreseeable future the conflict in Poland between traditional, conservative values and liberal, civic values is likely to continue, provoking tensions and protests