Suchergebnisse

This paper examines the state repression during the dictatorship of king Aleksandar (1929–1935) and early socialism (1945–1953). Special attention is paid to the repressive legislation, political persecutions, violation of political and civil rights and excessive brutality of police forces. This paper is based on primary sources in the Archive of Yugoslavia and Archive of Serbia and select periodicals of the period. ; Odusustvo istinske demokratije i veće ili manje ograničavanje političkih i ličnih sloboda obeležili su svih sedamdeset godina postojanja Jugoslavije. Politički progoni, instumentalizovanje pravosuđa, nasilje žandarmerije i policije, nadozor nad svim političkim neistomišljenicima, gušenje slobode pisane reči i brutalna cenzura predstavljaju samo neke od karakteristika represije u periodu 1929-1935 i 1945-1953. Ipak, iako su represivne matrice za kojima se posezalo u doba šestojanuarske diktatutre i u prvoj posleratnoj deceniji veoma slične, obim i brutalnost represije teško su uporedivi. Autoritarni režim kralja Aleksandra je ličio na diktature uspostavljene u nekim evropskim i posebno balkanskim državama (npr. Poljska, Grčka).Nespreman za dogovor sa političkim protivnicima koji su zagovarali preuređenje države na federalističkoj osnovi, kralj je posegao za diktaturom ne bi li konsolidovao političke prilike i ublažio međunacionalne tenzije. I dok je želja za očuvanjem postojećeg političkog poretka predstavljala jedan od glavnih motiva za pooštravanja represije u prvoj polovini tridesetih godina prošlog veka, želja za revolucinonarnom transformacijom društva u skladu sa maksimom "staro ne sme nikad više da se vrati" i nekrično kopiranje sovjetskog modela umnogome je uticalo na brutalni karakter represije u prvim posleratnim godinama. Zastrašivanja, hapšenja i maltretiranja onih koji su smatrani političkim protivnicima, politički motivisana suđenja i ekonomski pritisci su bili daleko učestaliji u ranom socijalizmu nego u vreme šestojanuarske diktature. Pravo na custodiu honestu je ukinuto, a partijski funkcioneri su svoje iskustvo boravka u kaznenim zavodima u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji iskoristili da naprave Centralni zatvor za politčke krivce u kome bi zatvorenicima bilo onemogućeno da međusobno ilegalno komuniciraju. Kampanja protiv "špekulanata", "narodnih neprijatelja" i "kulaka" je, naročito u prvim mesecima posle oslobođenja, poprimala obrise javnog linča, a građani su pozivani da prijavljuju svoje imućne komšije i sve one koji su imali višak stambenog prostora. Rasprostranjeno shvatanje da su neprijatelji režima zapravo i državni neprijatelji davalo je, i u međuratnom i u posleratnom periodu, zamajac represiji i podsticalo veliki broj građana da, bilo iz osećanja dužnosti ili iz želje za kakvom korišću, dobrovoljno sarađuju sa vlastima.

This study examines the effect of surveillance and censorship on ordinary people in Serbia during the dictatorship of King Aleksandar. Special attention is paid to the problems of the Belgrade ministries in coordinating expanded police powers as well as the changing attitude of the Serbian public toward the royal regime and its emphasis on integral Yugoslavism. Well known for suppressing Croatian resentment of the new territorial redivision into banovine, the dictatorship also found itself with Serbian complaints to suppress. This paper is based on primary sources in the Archive of Yugoslavia and select periodicals of the period.

The situation in Ukraine is the subject of an intense discussion in the public sphere and the media across Europe. But what do we know about how our neighbouring countries are reflecting on the crisis, its historical background and its meaning for the relationship between our countries, Ukraine, Russia and the European Union? During 2014 and 2015 the Cultures of History Forum asked historians and sociologists from more than 15 European countries, the US, Israel and Turkey to reflect on the media coverage and public debates regarding the Ukrainian crisis in their countries. The present brief report describes the main fault lines of Russian media discourse on the political crisis in Ukraine between late November 2013 and April 2014. This present paper is based on information and articles published in the four most prominent daily newspapers ion Serbia.

A new exhibition was opened in Belgrade on 1 December 2012, the ninety-fifth anniversary of the unification of South Slavs in The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. This was a symbolic opening day. Journalists from all over the region flocked to the museum to cover the event. Curiously enough, in the politically divided societies of ex-Yugoslavia, it seemed that everyone could agree upon one thing: an exhibition about Yugoslav history and the very existence of the country was not only desirable, but also necessary.

The Second World War involved the conflict of three different ideologies - democracy, fascism and communism - an aspect in which it was different from the Great War. This ideological triangle led to various shifts in the positions, views, and alliances of each of the warring parties. Yugoslavia with its historical legacy could not avoid being torn by similar ideological conflicts. During the Second World War a brutal and exceptionally complex war was fought on its soil. The most important question studied in this paper concerns the foremost objective of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) - to carry out a violent change of the legal order and form of government of the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia.