Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1 Building a Theory of Canadian Political Careers -- 2 Representation, Amateurism, and Turnover -- 3 The Candidates -- 4 Arriving in Ottawa: New Politicians and Old Rules -- 5 Turning Expectations into Actions: Living with Preference Rules and Roles -- 6 Coming to Terms with Parliament: Views on Leadership and Party Discipline -- 7 Home Style: Members and Their Constituencies -- 8 The Life Cycle of a Political Career -- 9 Leaving Parliament -- Conclusion: Members, Parliament, and Party -- Appendix: Testing Models of Career Disappointment and Voluntary Retirement -- Notes -- References -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.

Analyzes the political career of Members of Parliament (MPs) in Canada. The history of political professionalization is traced from its origins in the late 1950s, when being a federal politician became a full-time, paid position. The structural & electoral systems of the Canadian Parliament highlight consequences for governance & the occupational structure of MPs. Defining the political class is problematic, & focus is on elected members of the national House of Commons. Political recruitment & careers in Canada illustrate differences in the emerging wave of MPs & a divide between the cabinet & backbenches. The influence of the political class on institutional reform is evaluated. 4 Tables, 27 References. L. Collins Leigh

The Canadian Senate has been the object of much debate & scorn. An appointed body, the Senate has never successfully fulfilled its original purposes, namely to be a voice for regional & propertied interests. Its anti-democratic foundations have made the Senate easy prey for public cynicism, despite the fact that its appointed members are more reflective of the Canadian population than the elected members of House of Commons. There have been many attempts at Senate reform in the past quarter-century, none of which have been implemented. This article argues that most attempts at Senate reform have failed because they have been linked to larger constitutional reform packages. The best hope for change to the structure of the Senate lies in smaller, incremental moves that do not require amending the Canadian constitution. 5 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The authors address issues of representation - the move to a proportional electoral system in New Zealand, the unsuccessful attempt to establish a domestic head of state in Australia, and the reform of the British House of Lords - and demonstrate that citizens increasingly want legislative institutions to more closely reflect the societies they serve. To discuss responsiveness, the governance of indigenous communities and their place within the broader society in Canada and New Zealand are examined, as is the role of institutions other than legislatures that are involved in protecting minority rights and responding to various forms of diversity. A separate chapter analyses the basis for and merits of proposals to reform the Canadian House of Commons. In addition, authors review the dynamics of federalism, intergovernmental relations, and other processes of multi-level governance in Canada, the United Kingdom, and South Africa. Public debate about adapting governance processes to changing conditions and citizen values is a necessary condition of successful democracies and there is much to learn from progress and false starts in other parliamentary democracies. Contributors include Jonathan Boston (Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand), Paul Chartrand (consultant, Victoria, British Columbia), Stéphane Dion (minister of Intergovernmental Relations, Government of Canada), David Docherty, Mason Durie (Massey University), Robert Hazell (University College London), Christina Murray (University of Cape Town), Cheryl Saunders (University of Melbourne), Leslie Seidle, Jennifer Smith (Dalhousie University), and Lord Wakeham (former chairman of the Royal Commission on House of Lords Reform).

AbstractIt has been argued that rapid membership turnover in the Canadian House of Commons robs the institution of a dedicated and experienced group of MPs and produces a Parliament stocked with political amateurs. Both electoral defeat and voluntary retirement have been seen to play a role in the amateurism phenomenon. The authors explore the roots of amateurism and critically examine the argument that a frustrating career structure in the House of Commons encourages voluntary vacancies. Using a random sample of former MPs, the authors find support for both a "frustration" and an "exhaustion" model of career choice. The article concludes that while amateurism—in the sense of short political careers—may be problematic, not all MPs are amateurs and the problem of amateurism cannot be addressed simply by satisfying frustrated ambition.

IT HAS BEEN ARGUED THAT RAPID MEMBERSHIP TURNOVER IN THE CANADIAN HOUSE OF COMMONS ROBS THE INSTITUTION OF A DEDICATED AND EXPERIENCED GROUP OF MPS AND PRODUCES A PARLIAMENT STOCKED WITH POLITICAL AMATEURS. BOTH ELECTORAL DEFEAT AND VOLUNTARY RETIREMENT HAVE BEEN SEEN TO PLAY A ROLE IN THE AMATEURISM PHENOMENON. THE AUTHORS EXPLORE THE ROOTS OF AMATEURISM AND CRITICALLY EXAMINE THE ARGUMENT THAT A FRUSTRATING CAREER STRUCTURE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ENCOURAGES VOLUNTARY VACANCIES. USING A RANDOM SAMPLE OF FORMER MPS, THE AUTHORS FIND SUPPORT FOR BOTH A "FRUSTRATION" AND AN "EXHAUSTION" MODEL OF CAREER CHOICE. THE ARTICLE CONCLUDES THAT WHILE AMATEURISM MAY BE PROBLEMATIC, NOT ALL MPS ARE AMATEURS AND THE PROBLEM OF AMATEURISM CANNOT BE ADDRESSED SIMPLY BY SATISFYING FRUSTRATED AMBITION.