Die Linke: Still an Eastern Cultural Icon?
In: German politics, Volume 24, Issue 3, p. 377-401
ISSN: 1743-8993
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In: German politics, Volume 24, Issue 3, p. 377-401
ISSN: 1743-8993
In: German politics: Journal of the Association for the Study of German Politics, Volume 24, Issue 3, p. [377]-401
ISSN: 0964-4008
World Affairs Online
In: Social science quarterly, Volume 87, Issue 5, p. 1100-1116
ISSN: 1540-6237
Objectives. Drawing specifically on the German case, I argue that individuals' motivations for immigration, or so‐called push‐pull factors, have a lasting impact beyond the decision to immigrate and, in fact, profoundly influence immigrants' political integration in the host country. Specifically, economic push‐pull factors are likely to impede immigrants' political integration, whereas political push‐pull factors lead immigrants to remain more interested and engaged in politics while abroad.Methods. I test these hypotheses using a combination of qualitative interviews conducted in 2002 with first‐generation Turkish immigrants living in Berlin, and quantitative survey data from the 1998 German Socio‐Economic Panel (GSOEP).Results. Results from both analyses lend considerable support to these assertions.Conclusions. The positive findings suggest that factors unique to the immigrant experience contribute to a fundamentally different understanding of immigrants' political integration from that of natives.
In: Social science quarterly, Volume 87, Issue s1, p. 1100-1116
ISSN: 1540-6237
Objectives: Drawing specifically on the German case, I argue that individuals' motivations for immigration, or so-called push-pull factors, have a lasting impact beyond the decision to immigrate and, in fact, profoundly influence immigrants' political integration in the host country. Specifically, economic push-pull factors are likely to impede immigrants' political integration, whereas political push-pull factors lead immigrants to remain more interested and engaged in politics while abroad. Methods: I test these hypotheses using a combination of qualitative interviews conducted in 2002 with first-generation Turkish immigrants living in Berlin, and quantitative survey data from the 1998 German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP). Results: Results from both analyses lend considerable support to these assertions. Conclusions: The positive findings suggest that factors unique to the immigrant experience contribute to a fundamentally different understanding of immigrants' political integration from that of natives. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Social science quarterly, Volume 87, Issue s1
ISSN: 0038-4941
Objectives: Drawing specifically on the German case, I argue that individuals' motivations for immigration, or so-called push-pull factors, have a lasting impact beyond the decision to immigrate and, in fact, profoundly influence immigrants' political integration in the host country. Specifically, economic push-pull factors are likely to impede immigrants' political integration, whereas political push-pull factors lead immigrants to remain more interested and engaged in politics while abroad. Methods: I test these hypotheses using a combination of qualitative interviews conducted in 2002 with first-generation Turkish immigrants living in Berlin, and quantitative survey data from the 1998 German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP). Results: Results from both analyses lend considerable support to these assertions. Conclusions: The positive findings suggest that factors unique to the immigrant experience contribute to a fundamentally different understanding of immigrants' political integration from that of natives. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: German politics, Volume 13, Issue 3, p. 449-480
ISSN: 1743-8993
In: German politics: Journal of the Association for the Study of German Politics, Volume 13, Issue 3, p. 449-480
ISSN: 0964-4008
World Affairs Online
This highly topical book aims to undermine unsubstantiated myths by examining Muslim integration in Germany, France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, states which dominate the debate on minority integration and the practice of Muslim religious traditions. These nations have a range of alternative relationships between religion and the state, as well as strategies for coordinating individuals' ethnic and state identities. Using the European Parliament's benchmarking guidelines, surveys and other non-official data, the authors find that in some areas Muslims are in fact more integrated than popularly assumed and suggest that, instead of failing to integrate, Muslims find their access to integration blocked in ways that reduce their life chances in the societies in which they are now permanent residents. The book will have an impact on research and policy especially with the commencement of the EU-wide integration benchmarking effort and will be an excellent resource for researchers, academics and policy makers
This highly topical book aims to undermine unsubstantiated myths by examining Muslim integration in Germany, France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, states which dominate the debate on minority integration and the practice of Muslim religious traditions.
This highly topical book aims to undermine unsubstantiated myths by examining Muslim integration in Germany, France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, states which dominate the debate on minority integration and the practice of Muslim religious traditions
In: Democracy and security, Volume 12, Issue 4, p. 247-277
ISSN: 1555-5860
In: Electoral Studies, Volume 31, Issue 1, p. 46-59
In: Electoral Studies, Volume 31, Issue 1, p. 46-59
While scholars have generally acknowledged that coalition governments are less accountable to voters than single party majorities, surprisingly little differentiation is made among different types of coalition governments. In this paper, we examine voter support for two very different types of coalition governments: those with a single large party and a junior partner and grand coalitions-governing coalitions between two large but ideologically dissimilar parties. We argue that grand coalitions differ from the more typical senior-junior partners in terms of the ability of individual parties to respond to their constituencies. We test this argument using survey data from four German Election Studies (GES), before and after each of the two German grand coalitions (1965, 1969, 2005, and 2009), which provide a unique opportunity to compare voter support for grand coalitions to those of the more typical senior-junior party model. We find evidence that voters responded to grand coalitions by moving away from their traditional voting patterns, and increasing their support for parties outside of the grand coalition, although this effect varies by the number of alternative parties. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Volume 31, Issue 1, p. 46-60
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Democracy and security, Volume 6, Issue 2, p. 147-182
ISSN: 1555-5860