Suchergebnisse

Abstract
The aim of this paper is to investigate the position and role occupied by the memory of events of 1918–1919 in shaping and strengthening the national identity of Montenegrins. It begins with a theoretical introduction concerning the role of historical events in shaping national identity. Then it presents in a synthetic manner the situation of Montenegro before the outbreak of the Great War. The subsequent subsection focuses on the analysis of events related to the end of World War i. The last part employs the technique of narrative analysis in order to analyze the contemporary policy of the Montenegrin authorities. This article should be treated as a sketch of the Montenegrin policy of memory, the ways in which the end of the wwi is remembered, and how it is used for shaping national identity.

For many years, the priority of foreign policy determined by subsequent governments of the six Western Balkan countries, i.e., Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia has been their accession to the European Union. Yet, in recent years, this process has slowed down, and so it can be assumed that in the coming years there will be no further enlargement of the EU to include any of the Western Balkan countries. The following article is aimed at analysing the present status of European integration with regard to the aforementioned states, and discusses the causes of regression in this process which can be
identified on the side of the non-EU Western Balkan states and the European Union itself. Their integration is also a key issue in the context of the increasingly stronger presence of non-EU players such as China, Russia, and Turkey, all competing with the European Union for influence in this important region. The study was based on discourse analysis (including the critical discourse analysis approach) and content analysis.

Petar II Petrović Njegoš is probably the most famous figure in Montenegro's history and a particular symbol of this place. Despite his short life, he achieved fame not only as a politician but also as an artist. The article aims to analyze how the memory of Petar II Petrović Njegoš – a symbolic figure in the history and culture of Montenegro – has been constructed. The analysis will focus on the public debate on this figure in relation to the motion to establish a new national holiday – Njegoš's day, i.e., the day of Montenegrin culture. The study uses both the discourse method and content analysis, including legislative projects, newspaper articles, television broadcasts, public speeches, and other messages from individual politicians and intellectuals. The public debate on Njegoš revealed how the inconsistency of memory, primarily the Montenegrin, Serbian and Bosniak memory, generates conflicts and at the same time deepens the prevailing social divisions.

Abstract
This article aims to analyze the presidential campaign in Serbia (2017). It focuses on the presence of different significant figures from Serbian history and culture in the public sphere. It begins by presenting the pantheon of eminent figures in the history of Serbia. Next, the presidential election and its results are briefly described. Then, the text investigates the question what kind of eminent figures, by whom, and in which context were used in the last Serbian presidential campaign. The conclusion summarizes the specifics of the use of historical characters for political aims in that case.

Celem artykułu jest dokonanie analizy relacji państwo-diaspora na przykładzie Czarnogóry. W literaturze przedmiotu zauważalny jest brak dogłębnych badań tego zjawiska. Czarnogóra stanowi interesujący przypadek ze względu fakt, że liczba osób żyjących w diasporach jest porównywalna do liczby mieszkańców tego państwa. Artykuł składa się z czterech części. Pierwsza z nich stanowi przedstawienie rozważań teoretycznych na temat diaspor, ale także relacji państwo-diaspora. W ko­lejnej została pokrótce scharakteryzowana czarnogórska diaspora - jej historia, li­czebność oraz kierunki emigracji. Trzecia część stanowi analizę kształtowanych przez Czarnogórę relacji z diasporą. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na proces instytucjonali­zacji owych stosunków. Artykuł kończy podsumowanie.

"The yellow duck" attacks: An analysis of the activities of the "Ne da(vi)mo Beograd" initiative in the Serbian public spaceThe main aim of the paper is to present the performative dimension of activities undertaken by the "Ne da(vi)mo Beograd" Initiative. The Initiative's actions, which initially concerned opposition to the "Belgrade on Water" project, turned into a regular political campaign. These activities clearly illustrate contemporary ways of managing civil opposition, as well as performative practices aimed at creating a civil society. The focus is on verbal and non-verbal practices of expressing resistance, as well as strategies for building a sense of community among the participants of the Initiative's gatherings. "Żółta kaczka" atakuj. Aanaliza działalności inicjatywy "Ne da(vi)mo Beograd" w serbskiej przestrzeni publicznejCelem artykułu jest przedstawienie performatywnego wymiaru działań podejmowanych przez inicjatywę "Ne da(vi)mo Beograd". Akcje inicjatywy, początkowo związane ze sprzeciwem wobec projektu "Belgrad na wodzie", przerodziły się w regularną kampanię polityczną. Działania te dobrze ilustrują współczesne sposoby zarządzania sprzeciwem obywatelskim, a także praktyki performatywne mające na celu tworzenie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. W centrum zainteresowania znajdują się werbalne i niewerbalne praktyki wyrażania oporu, a także strategie budowania poczucia wspólnotowości wśród uczestników zgromadzeń organizowanych przez inicjatywę.

The aim of this article is an attempt to answer the question of the impact of Aleksander Vucic political leadership on democracy in Serbia. In this analysis it will be used the new concept of stabilitocracy which describes the semi-authoritarian regimes in the Western Balkans. Furthermore, in order to measure the state of democracy in Serbia I will analyse the Democracy Index produced by The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Nations in Transit reports (Freedom House) and the Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders. I will summarize the article with some conclusions regarding the need for further research.

For many years, the priority of foreign policy determined by subsequent governments of the six Western Balkan countries, i.e., Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia has been their accession to the European Union. Yet, in recent years, this process has slowed down, and so it can be assumed that in the coming years there will be no further enlargement of the EU to include any of the Western Balkan countries. The following article is aimed at analysing the present status of European integration with regard to the aforementioned states, and discusses the causes of regression in this process which can be identified on the side of the non-EU Western Balkan states and the European Union itself. Their integration is also a key issue in the context of the increasingly stronger presence of non-EU players such as China, Russia, and Turkey, all competing with the European Union for influence in this important region. The study was based on discourse analysis (including the critical discourse analysis approach) and content analysis.

Strategic partnerships are nowadays one of the tools most willingly applied in foreign policy. The subject of the presented analysis is the institutionalization process of a strategic partnership understood as the functioning of certain norms and rules in a given relationship (expressed in the founding documents of partnerships) and the regularization of joint bodies and meeting established partners: the United States, Japan, and Canada. The results show that it is possible to identify a pattern of institutionalization process used by the European Union in its relations with strategic partners; they also reveal how great importance contemporary players in the international arena attach to institutionalization processes in their mutual relations. formats. The aim of the article is a comparative analysis of institutional solutions applied in the European Union's strategic partnerships with its relations with strategic partners; they also reveal how great importance contemporary players in the international arena attach to institutionalization processes in their mutual relations. ; Partnerstwa strategiczne są współcześnie jednym z najchętniej stosowanych narzędzi w polityce zagranicznej. Przedmiotem przedstawionej analizy jest proces instytucjonalizacji partnerstwa strategicznego rozumiany jako funkcjonowanie w relacji określonych norm i zasad (wyrażonych w dokumentach fundacyjnych partnerstw) oraz regularyzacja wspólnych ciał i formatów spotkań. Celem artykułu jest analiza komparatystyczna rozwiązań instytucjonalnych stosowanych w partnerstwach strategicznych Unii Europejskiej z ugruntowanymi partnerami: Stanami Zjednoczonymi, Japonią oraz Kanadą. Wyniki wskazują, że można zidentyfikować wzorzec procesu instytucjonalizacji, który UE stosuje wobec swoich partnerów strategicznych, oraz uwidoczniają dużą rolę, jaką współcześni gracze na arenie międzynarodowej przykładają do procesów instytucjonalizacji wspólnych relacji.

In post-Cold War international relations, strategic partnerships are an emerging and distinct analytical and political category critical in understanding the dynamics of contemporary strategic cooperation between states and International Organizations. However, the idea of strategic partnerships has remained under-theorized and overshadowed by the alliance theory. Addressing this clear-cut gap in the International Relations/Foreign Policy Analysis literature, this book originally endeavors to theorize and empirically test the analytical model of strategic partnerships as a new form of sustainable international cooperation in times of globalized interdependence and turbulence.