Suchergebnisse

"Preface " -- "List of Contributors" -- "Contents" -- "List of Figures" -- "List of Tables" -- "Part I: Social Movements in Chile" -- "Chapter 1: Introduction: Social Movements in Contemporary Chile" -- "The Intertwined Relations Among Social Movements, States, and Political Parties in Latin America" -- "Theoretical Challenges and a Research Agenda" -- "Shifting Relationships Between Social Movements and the Institutional Terrain in Chile" -- "Structure and Contents of the Book" -- "Notes" -- "References" -- "Chapter 2: Shifting Relationships Between Social Movements and Institutional Politics" -- "Introduction" -- "Two Theses on the Relations Between Social Movements and Polity Members: Closeness and Detachment" -- "Growing Collective Protest in Chile" -- "Detached Social Movements" -- "Protestors Are Increasingly Disengaged from Institutional Politics21" -- "Political Parties Barely Participate in Collective Protests" -- "Movements Rely Little in Polity Members for Mobilizing Resources" -- "Movements Build Their Collective Action Frames as a Reaction to the Deficiencies of Institutional Politics" -- "Movement Links with Polity Members Are Mostly Instrumental" -- "Can Movements Be Influential Even If Detached? The Role of Protest Tactics" -- "Consequential Differences in Collective Protest: The Student and Mapuche Movements" -- "Conclusions" -- "Notes" -- "References" -- "Part II: Case Studies" -- "Chapter 3: "Outsider" and "Insider" Strategies: Chile's Student Movement, 1990–2014" -- "Introduction" -- "A Historically Grounded and Relational Understanding of Social Movement Strategies" -- "Protest Waves and Strategizing: Defining Demands, Tactics, Arenas, and Targets" -- "The Transition to Democracy and Disarticulation of Collective Action" -- "The 2001 Mochilazo

AbstractFocusing on the first large-scale protests in Chile after the reinstatement of democracy in 1990, this article examines the emergence of the 2006Pingüinomovement and shows how it succeeded in mobilising thousands of secondary school students against the neoliberal education model. It argues that several distinct but intertwined dimensions explain the movement's emergence. In 2006, secondary school student groups merged to form a single organisation and adopted a horizontal and participatory decision-making mechanism. At the same time, shortcomings in the education reforms of the 1980s and 1990s were revealed in terms of quality and equity, creating grievances that were fed into the movement's collective action frame. Finally, President Bachelet's rhetoric of a 'government of citizens' as an attempt to counteract the elitist nature of the Concertación's governance formula signified an opening of the structure of political opportunities that the students knew to take advantage of.

Este artículo busca contribuir a la comprensión del Movimiento Estudiantil en Chile desde una perspectiva hasta ahora insuficientemente explorada, a saber, analizando tanto su desarrollo organizacional como la construcción de su marco de acción colectiva desde la reinstauración democrática en 1990. Con este fin, estudia las principales olas de protesta de estudiantes secundarios y universitarios que conjuntamente han contribuido a la reconstrucción de la acción colectiva estudiantil en el Chile post-transición: el Mochilazo (2001), el Movimiento Pingüino (2006) y el actual auge de movilización social liderado tanto por estudiantes universitarios como por estudiantes de las escuelas secundarias. El análisis se basa en la premisa de que los movimientos sociales, tal como lo señala Diani, "se asemejan a una cadena de eventos más o menos conectados, dispersos a lo largo del tiempo y el espacio", y que no pueden ser identificados con una organización específica si no que más bien con un grupo de organizaciones (2003:1). Así, se busca identificar las continuidades en términos de "sedimentación" de elementos discursivos y aprendizajes organizacionales a lo largo de las olas de protesta mencionadas. Con este propósito, más que un relato detallado de la configuración de estas olas de protesta, se pone el foco en los procesos de aprendizaje político que han inspirados las actividades organizacionales y procesos de enmarcación del Movimiento Estudiantil. Se argumenta que tanto a nivel secundario como universitario, este aprendizaje ha motivado la construcción de un proyecto político alternativo a la centro-izquierda representada en la Concertación, la coalición de gobierno entre 1990 y 2010. Si bien la construcción de esta alternativa política no ha sido ni lineal ni está compuesta por una única organización, la insistencia en el vínculo estrecho entre los problemas del modelo educacional y del sistema político ha posibilitado la convergencia entre las distintas agrupaciones estudiantiles que conforman el Movimiento Estudiantil.

The massive protests that exploded in Chile in October 2019 have left the country reeling from shock. The extensive participation of the population in demonstrations in Santiago and in all regional capitals, as well as the exceptional degree of violence and destruction that accompanied them, prompted President Piñera to declare a state of emergency that lasted for nine days, put the military on the streets and imposed a curfew. This has left many international observers wondering what went wrong in a country that has often been held up by mainstream opinion as the poster child to other Latin America countries. Relatively high growth rates have been accompanied by sharp declines in poverty, steady improvements in educational outcomes, and even recent declines in inequality1 – all in the context of a relatively high-functioning democracy. The question emerges whether these protests are an exceptional occurrence limited to the context of Chile, or whether they are an indication of a more widespread malaise in one of the world's most unequal regions. In this article, we argue that the eruption of the social protests observed since October 2019 should not have surprised any close observer of Chile; in fact, they are paralleled by other protests in the region, such as in Ecuador, Colombia and Bolivia. However, the degree of violence, looting and incendiary attacks on metro stations, supermarkets, pharmacies and other businesses were indeed unexpected, as was the extent of human rights violations resulting from the response of the police and armed forces to the disturbances.

This book presents rich empirical analyses of the most important movements in Chile's post-transition era: the Student Movement, the Mapuche Movement, the Labor Movement, the Feminist Movement, and the Environmental Movement. The chapters illuminate the processes that led to their emergence, and detail how actors developed new strategies, or revisited old ones, to influence the political arena. The book also offers contributions that situate these cases both in terms of the general trends in protest in Chile, as well as in comparison to other countries in Latin America. Emphasizing various facets of the debate about the relationship between "institutional" and "non-institutional" politics, this volume not only contributes to the study of collective action in Chile, but also to the broader social movement literature.

Front Cover -- Half Title Page -- Full Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Abbreviations -- Part I: CONCEPTS AND EXPLANATIONS -- 1 | The Political Consequences of Protest -- 2 | How Do We Explain Protest?Social Science, Grievances, and the Puzzle of Collective Action -- Part II: MECHANISMS AND PROCESSES -- 3 | Transnational Protest: "Going Global" in the Current Protest Cycle against Economic Globalization -- 4 | Collective Action in the Information Age: How Social Media Shapes the Character and Success of Protests -- 5 | Schools for Democracy? The Role of NGOs in Protests in Democracies in the Global South -- PART III: CASES AND CONSEQUENCES -- 6 | The Ebbing and Flowing of Political Opportunity Structures: Revolution,Counterrevolution, and the Arab Uprisings -- 7 | "You Taught us to Give an Opinion, Now Learn How to Listen": The Manifold Political Consequences of Chile's Student Movement -- 8 | Protest Cycles in the United States: From the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street to Sanders and Trump -- PART IV: CONCLUSIONS -- 9 | Rethinking Protest Impacts -- Contributors -- Index -- Back Cover.