Suchergebnisse

Since the mid-1990s, the operational doctrine of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) has increasingly focused on jointness. For two decades, however, the PLA's organizational structure did not adapt accordingly. A major reform was eventually passed in 2015, with the establishment of a new joint operational command system. This 20-year institutional lag is explained by the changing pattern of civilian intervention in military affairs. Even more than doctrinal change, organizational change is likely to be met with resistance from within the military. A facilitating role is then played by civilians who provide external support to pro-reform senior military officers. Yet, such external support depends on the state of civil–military relations, which determines the room for civilian intervention in the military sphere. (J Contemp China GIGA)

The Belt and Road Initiative is closely related to an academic debate that took place in China during the past decade. Its topic was the relative importance of land and sea for the future of international politics, as well as its implications for China's rise: should Beijing focus on the Asia-Pacific maritime domain or on the Eurasian landmass? In response to the academic debate, the Belt and Road Initiative was conceived as a geopolitical project that places China at the centre of the international space by leveraging on its dual nature as both a continental and a maritime power. Still, the fate of the Belt and Road Initiative hinges on finding a solution to some theoretical issues that the academic debate left unresolved.

As political instability challenges China's growing interests in the Mediterranean region, the European Union might prove to be the right partner for Beijing. This essay assesses the prospects for EU-Chinese security cooperation in the region. A shared doctrinal concern with nontraditional security provides a solid foundation, as proved by antipiracy efforts in the Gulf of Aden. This paves the way for nontraditional security cooperation in the Mediterranean region, for instance in the field of noncombatant evacuation. Yet a crucial precondition is that the EU behaves more coherently, in order to be perceived by China as a reliable partner.

Regime change and foreign policy adjustments have been closely intertwined in Myanmar's recent experience. Since 2011, domestic political transition has been paralleled by changes in the country's foreign policy posture, with Naypyitaw reconsidering its dependence on Beijing while seeking rapprochement with Washington. Taking Myanmar as a case study, this essay aims to address the theoretical issue of how regime change influences the foreign policy of a country. The first two sections draw on Foreign Policy Analysis and Comparative Politics to develop an analytical framework for the study of foreign policy choices during regime change. The focus is on how transitional politics interacts with external influence, against the background of loosened distinctions between the domestic and international levels. The last two sections test the analytical framework against the ups and downs of Myanmar's economic cooperation with China. Two decisions of the Myanmar government are analysed: the 2011 decision to suspend cooperation on the Myitsone dam, and the 2012 decision to continue cooperation on the Letpadaung mine. While apparently contradictory, Naypyitaw's behaviour on these two occasions helps to unravel the dilemmas that foreign policy decision-makers face at times of political transition.