Suchergebnisse

Becoming news : an introduction to Arab media & terrorism -- Mediating terrorism : the media terrorism interaction model -- Constructing anti-terrorism legislation -- Discourses of denial and terrorism : the fight for "Islam's soul" -- Narratives of transgression : the Danish cartoons and the #jesuischarlie -- Humiliation, shame and revenge : Arab media at war -- Online publics and shifting discourses of responsibility -- Hybrid media and terrorism -- Reframing terrorism : conclusions.

Despite the significant relevance of the "cultural imperialism" framework to our understanding of how communication flows influence "militarization," war and hegemonic foreign policies, critical theorists have not adequately investigated how foreign audiences have responded to the recent wave of US international broad-casting. To address this gap, this article investigates how foreign media audiences interact with international broadcasting by analyzing Al-Hurra's reception among Arabic speaking audiences. Using a critical media audience reception framework, this article situates Al-Hurra within the larger context of US international broadcasting emanating from the Cold War as a strategic weapon to influence the attitudes of foreign publics. Specifically, these field research-based findings indicate that audiences' "negative" and "hostile" perceptions of Al-Hurra messages curtail the influence of the broadcaster's impact on Arabs' attitudes toward political re-form. Finally, the study also proposes a loose "taxonomy" that can be used to understand the complex reactions of foreign audiences to US international broadcasting.

This study examines the burgeoning of a new 'independent' press that has emerged in the last decade in Morocco, heralding the decline of the traditional partisan press. An analysis of two partisan newspapers reveals that the partisan press has failed to promote press freedom and frequently engages in self-censorship when confronting 'red line' issues in Moroccan politics. In contrast, the enterprising independent press has sought to broaden the margin of freedom through insisting on broaching those sensitive issues. As such, it has had great ramifications and implications at the level of readership and for the political reform debate raging in the country. Paradoxically, however, while attacking the old school of journalism for its partisanship, the new independent press has carved out a new form of 'partisanship', functioning as a conduit for an oppositional political discourse. The article reviews the debate surrounding those 'red lines' and discusses the prospects of reforming the press codes as one way of ensuring the survival of this independent streak of journalism.

"This book investigates the interplay between media, politics, religion, and culture in shaping Arabs' quest for more stable and democratic governance models in the aftermath of the "Arab Spring" uprisings. It focuses on online mediated public debates, specifically user comments on online Arab news sites, and their potential to re-engage citizens in politics. Contributors systematically explore and critique these online communities and spaces in the context of the Arab uprisings, with case studies, largely centered on Egypt, covering micro-bloggers, Islamic discourse online, Libyan nationalism on Facebook, and a computational assessment of online engagement, among other topics"--

Abstract
Sunni–Shia relations have become a topic of significant media attention; this attention is largely due to the tendency of these groups to engage in sectarian strife as well as the Islamic Shia sect's influential rise in world politics. The inter-Islamic sectarian relations are part of extensive reporting on upheaval events currently taking place in the Greater Middle East in the post 9/11 decade. This study analyses ten years of news coverage of the Sunni–Shia relations in the Canadian Globe and Mail and the US-based Washington Post. Results indicate that rather than contextualizing sectarian tensions between Sunni and Shia Islam, this media coverage overwhelmingly frames the tensions from the 'war on terrorism' perspective. This article argues that 'neo-Orientalist' discourses and propagandist perspectives have become routinized and more prevalent in the manner in which Western media represents Islam, privileging dominant discourses and 'war on terrorism' frames.

This study examines online news delivery and how Arab newspaper journalism has harnessed the Internet's potential to deliver news in novel ways, reach new readers and audiences, and the implications for the way these users consume and interact with online news. Existing research
on online journalism has documented the web's effects on journalism practice and online news at several levels, including the reorganization of newsrooms and the incorporation of technical features such as interactivity and media convergence. Based on those research findings, we conduct
a comparative analysis of 54 websites of online and print newspapers in the Arab world. The comparative analysis focuses on six main variables: (1) revenue resources, (2) editorial organization, (3) hyperlinks, (4) interactivity, (5) media convergence issues, and (6) updating/immediacy. While
the Internet has opened new and immense opportunities for journalism in the region, the study finds little evidence to suggest that it is substantially contributing to transforming communication dynamics and journalistic practices that can foster dialogical discourse and participatory communication,
both of which are central to the development of civic culture and liberal democracy.

Our Special Issue captures the interplay of media, politics, religion, and culture in shaping Arabs' search for more stable governing models at crossroads of global, regional, and national challenges through systematic and integrated analyses of evolving and contested Arab visual and performing arts, including media (traditional and alternative), in revolutionary and unstable public spheres. This special issue examines the role of new media in the construction of online communities in the Arab world. It contributes to the understanding of how user-generated content empowers these new publics and the novel communities established by user comments on social media and news websites. Specifically, it explores these online communities and their perceptions of the role of user-generated content to contribute to politics, and potentially engage other citizens in the public debate.

Over the last decade, social media platforms have become the leading communication tools for activists and protesters all over the world. Understanding protesters' motivations and reasons for using social media is a challenging issue for researchers. In this article, we analyzed the use of Twitter during the anti-governmental protests in Istanbul that was launched in May 2013. We examined 13,794 tweets posted to the #direngeziparki hashtag over a 6-day period. Based on the results of a qualitative content coding of the tweets, we found that the Twitter platform was widely used to mobilize protesters, share information about the events, and express opinions about the policing of the protests. We argue that social media can help keep protests peaceful by preventing vandalism, informing the protesters about extremist or violent groups participating in the protests, and can help them to avoid engaging in violent acts against police forces.

This article investigates the deployment of Internet memes in a 2018 boycott campaign that targeted three major corporate brands tightly associated with the dominant sphere of power in Morocco. Using multimodal critical discourse analysis, the study analyzes discursive choices made in the production of memes circulated during the boycott, and the intersections between satirical humor and online participatory culture. We argue that these memes are "tactics" resorted to by the subaltern in their struggle for social justice. Although these tactics lack a "proper" locus where they can keep their "wins," they allow the weak to carve out a space from where to effectively challenge the dominant power structures. The article contributes to the still limited body of research exploring Internet memes as multimodal political discourse and to the study of humor as a fundamental discursive aspect of Internet memes.