chapter 1 Reforming 21st century peacekeeping operations -- Governmentalities of security, protection, and police -- chapter 2 Governmentality, sovereign power, and contemporary international peacekeeping operations -- chapter 3 Police, security, and resilience -- chapter 4 Local ownership -- The police-security project of Security Sector Reform (SSR) -- chapter 5 The UN's protection of civilians agenda -- chapter 6 Conclusion: reforming UN peacekeeping operations -- Security, protection, and police.
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"This book considers contemporary international interventions with a specific focus on analyzing the frameworks that have guided recent peacekeeping operations led by the United Nations. Drawing from the work of Michel Foucault and Foucauldian-inspired approaches in the field of International Relations, it highlights how interventions can be viewed through the lens of governmentality and its key attendant concepts. The book draws from these approaches in order to explore how international interventions are increasingly informed by governmental rationalities of security and policing. Two specific cases are examined: the UN's Security Sector Reform (SSR) approach and the UN's Protection of Civilians agenda. Focusing on the governmental rationalities that are at work in these two central frameworks that have come to guide contemporary UN-led peacekeeping efforts in recent years, the book considers:The use in IR of governmentality and its attendant notions of biopower and sovereign power The recent discussion regarding the concept and practice of international policing and police reform The rise of security as a rationality of government and the manner in which security and police rationalities interconnect and have increasingly come to inform peacekeeping efforts The Security Sector Reform (SSR) framework for peacebuilding and the rise of the UN's Protection of Civilians agenda. This book will be of interest to graduates and scholars of international relations, security studies, critical theory, and conflict and intervention. "--Provided by publisher.
Abstract Recent literature on contemporary humanitarian governance brings to light complex rationales of care and control that give expression to the ongoing coloniality of power. This paper examines the protection of civilians (PoC) from a similar vantage point. Over the past few decades, the goal of protecting civilians has produced a broad assemblage meant to guide military, police, and humanitarian operations in conflict environments. This paper argues that to "protect civilians" is to rationalize human life along a narrow biopolitical continuum grounded in the liminal figure of the civilian, a figure that in war can appear alive or dead. While the goal of protection is evidently to keep civilians alive, the rationality at work in the PoC assemblage has also given way to a particular form of necropolitics that enmeshes life and death. Following a familiar colonial profile, but one that functions to obscure racialization, the necropolitics at work in PoC begin with a quantificatory episteme of accounting for, and a counting of, civilian casualties. This has led to the establishment of civilian casualty tracking and mitigation cells as a model meant to generate lessons learned from civilian casualties. At work in the PoC, therefore, is a political theory of life that enmeshes a form of biopolitics and necropolitics: a politics of life and a politics of death.
Democracy's narrative on the source of legitimate political power contains a fundamental paradox which surfaces most clearly whenever there is an attempt to inaugurate a new democratic order. The new order is meant to be founded upon the consent of an authority — the people — which can only exist as such after the order is created. This research note begins with an examination of how this paradox re-emerges with the attempt to theorise cosmopolitan democracy, and how it leads such a theorisation into a logical impasse. Rather than seeking a way out of this impasse however, the second half of this note explores how the paradox may in fact be seen as leaving an irresolvable tension within the modern democratic imaginary which may lend itself to the project of theorising forms of post-national democracy.
L'organisation mondiale du commerce : où s'en va la mondialisation?, Christian Deblock, sous la direction de, Québec : Éditions Fides, 2002, 298 p.Depuis quelques années, l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (l'OMC) connaît des moments difficiles. À l'échec monumental de la troisième Conférence ministérielle à Seattle en 1999, et l'émiettement du consensus simulé qui déboucha sur le soi-disant " cycle du développement " à Doha en novembre 2001, s'ajoutent l'hostilité affichée par l'administration Bush au multilatéralisme de toutes formes et l'opposition de plus en plus obstinée des pays en développement quant à l'élargissement du mandat de l'organisation, sans oublier, bien sûr, les manifestations populaires qui pourchassent ici et là les réunions ministérielles. L'avance du cheval de Troie des programmes de libéralisation et de régulation économique créé en janvier 1995 suite aux négociations du cycle Uruguay semble sérieusement déroutée, du moins pour l'instant. D'où la justesse de la question que pose le sous-titre de cet ouvrage dirigé par Christian Deblock. En effet, si la question est bien posée, c'est plutôt son traitement, mis en rapport au déroulement des négociations depuis la quatrième réunion ministérielle à Doha, qui marque la contribution majeure de l'ouvrage. L'objectif principal des textes est donc de faire le point sur les développements les plus récents au sein du système commercial multilatéral tout en soulignant les principaux enjeux. Or, il s'agit bel et bien d'un ouvrage d'économie politique qui s'adresse non seulement aux universitaires et aux étudiants francophones de niveau post-secondaires, mais aussi au grand public qui, depuis un certain temps, semble suivre de plus près l'évolution de l'économie mondiale.
