Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Occidental nation-states' democratic principles have been progressively influencing the way they conduct their international relations. Parliamentary actors, for instance, have been organizing transnational forums in order to debate their perspectives on foreign policy. In Latin America, nevertheless, this trend is limited by the presidential tradition and the intergovernmental character of regionalism. How, thus, can the creation of a parliament in Mercosur in 2006 be explained ? This paper aims to evaluate the reasons for the Mercosur Parliament's construction beyond official discourse. The analysis, based on the theoretical framework of the " 3 Is " and qualitative interviews, identifies factors related to institutions, interests and ideas which have had a joint role in this political outcome. ; Les principes démocratiques des États occidentaux influencent de plus en plus la façon dont ceux-ci conduisent leurs relations internationales. Les acteurs parlementaires, par exemple, organisent des forums transnationaux afin de discuter de leurs perspectives sur la politique internationale. En Amérique latine, pourtant, cette tendance est limitée par la tradition présidentielle et par le caractère intergouvernemental du régionalisme. Comment donc la création d'un parlement au sein du Mercosur peut-elle être expliquée ? Cet article cherche à évaluer les raisons de la construction institutionnelle du Parlement du Mercosur au-delà du discours officiel. L'analyse, fondée sur le cadre théorique des " trois I " et sur des entretiens qualitatifs, identifie des facteurs liés aux institutions, aux intérêts et aux idées qui ont joué ensemble dans ce résultat politique.

461 p. ; Recently, some movements have been calling for the democratization of decision making spaces in international relations. Members of parliament have progressively become key actors in this scenario, organizing transnational deliberative forums intended to influence several domains of governmental action. This is also occurring at the regional integration level, with the European Union and its co-legislative parliament as the most prominent examples. In Latin America, on the other hand, the presidential tradition and intergovernmental character of regional initiatives have always relegated members of parliament to a secondary position. However, against all expectations, a parliament was created in Mercosur in 2006. How can this institutional choice be explained? This dissertation aims to analyze the reasons for the creation of the Mercosur Parliament (Parlasur) beyond the official discourse. In order to do so, it explores the combination of institutions, interests and ideas in determining political action. These factors are contextualized through policy process theories, which underline the role of timing, advocacy coalitions and inspiration in existing models in institutional change. This theoretical framework is then applied to the study of the four fundamental stages of the Parlasur building: the institutional development of the former Parliamentary Commission; the relations between the Mercosur and the European Union and the transfer of integration mechanisms; the critical moment when the Free Trade Area of the Americas was confronted by the new governmental ideologies; and the difficult institutionalization process that is being faced by the new parliament. This chronothematic analysis is intended to trace the path of explanatory variables in this institutional result, based on semi-structured interviews and observations carried out in Mercosur as well as in the European Union. ; Les relations internationales sont aujourd'hui confrontées à un mouvement en faveur de la démocratisation de leurs espaces ...

461 p. ; Recently, some movements have been calling for the democratization of decision making spaces in international relations. Members of parliament have progressively become key actors in this scenario, organizing transnational deliberative forums intended to influence several domains of governmental action. This is also occurring at the regional integration level, with the European Union and its co-legislative parliament as the most prominent examples. In Latin America, on the other hand, the presidential tradition and intergovernmental character of regional initiatives have always relegated members of parliament to a secondary position. However, against all expectations, a parliament was created in Mercosur in 2006. How can this institutional choice be explained? This dissertation aims to analyze the reasons for the creation of the Mercosur Parliament (Parlasur) beyond the official discourse. In order to do so, it explores the combination of institutions, interests and ideas in determining political action. These factors are contextualized through policy process theories, which underline the role of timing, advocacy coalitions and inspiration in existing models in institutional change. This theoretical framework is then applied to the study of the four fundamental stages of the Parlasur building: the institutional development of the former Parliamentary Commission; the relations between the Mercosur and the European Union and the transfer of integration mechanisms; the critical moment when the Free Trade Area of the Americas was confronted by the new governmental ideologies; and the difficult institutionalization process that is being faced by the new parliament. This chronothematic analysis is intended to trace the path of explanatory variables in this institutional result, based on semi-structured interviews and observations carried out in Mercosur as well as in the European Union. ; Les relations internationales sont aujourd'hui confrontées à un mouvement en faveur de la démocratisation de leurs espaces ...

International audience ; The Mercosur Parliament was created in 2005 to represent the peoples of the region. The constitutive documents affirm the necessity of reinforcing and deepening integration and democracy within Mercosur through an efficient and balanced institutional structure. In order to examine the potential role of the Parliament in strengthening the institutional framework of the bloc, this paper aims to analyse its initial years of activity. What is the institutionalization level reached by the assembly so far? The research is grounded on the idea that the more institutionalized the legislature is, the more it will influence the political system. The article presents a comparative approach that considers the earliest steps of the European Parliament. In terms of methodology, the qualitative analysis is based on documental research and on direct observation of the Mercosur Parliament's meetings. The main conclusions are related to the limited level of institutionalization of this new assembly, in spite of its innovative features regarding the Mercosur structure, and to its similarity with the initial period of the European Parliament.

Although the construction of a democratic system was not one of the objectives of the founding fathers of the European Union, this organization has nowadays a colegislator parliament directly elected every five years. As elections remain the primary method of participation and democratic legitimization in Europe, representatives of member states have chosen this instrument to improve the legitimacy of the European Community. More than thirty years after the first direct elections, it has become clear that this strategy has not borne fruit. Electoral abstention, already elevated in 1979, has been increasing every new scrutiny. Nevertheless, it seems to us that anxieties concerning this fact within the European Parliament and other European institutions are both exaggerated and counterproductive. This article intends to show that the abstention rate seen in European elections is neither surprising nor as worrisome as it seems if we consider the particularities of the European political system. The paper also seeks to draw some lessons from the European experience considering the future elections for the Mercosur Parliament. ; Même si la construction d'un système démocratique n'était pas un des objectifs des Pères fondateurs de l'Union européenne, cette organisation est aujourd'hui dotée d'un parlement co-législateur élu directement tous les cinq ans. Vu que l'élection reste le principal vecteur de participation et de légitimation des systèmes politiques en Europe, les représentants des Etats membres ont choisi ce moyen pour essayer d'accroître la légitimité de la Communauté européenne. Plus de trente ans après les premières élections directes, force est de constater que cette stratégie n'a pas porté ses fruits. L'abstention électorale, déjà élevée en 1979, ne cesse d'augmenter à chaque nouveau scrutin. Néanmoins, les inquiétudes que cela suscite au sein du Parlement et des institutions européennes semblent exagérées et contreproductives. L'objectif de cet article est de montrer que le taux important d'abstention ...

Although the construction of a democratic system was not one of the objectives of the founding fathers of the European Union, this organization has nowadays a colegislator parliament directly elected every five years. As elections remain the primary method of participation and democratic legitimization in Europe, representatives of member states have chosen this instrument to improve the legitimacy of the European Community. More than thirty years after the first direct elections, it has become clear that this strategy has not borne fruit. Electoral abstention, already elevated in 1979, has been increasing every new scrutiny. Nevertheless, it seems to us that anxieties concerning this fact within the European Parliament and other European institutions are both exaggerated and counterproductive. This article intends to show that the abstention rate seen in European elections is neither surprising nor as worrisome as it seems if we consider the particularities of the European political system. The paper also seeks to draw some lessons from the European experience considering the future elections for the Mercosur Parliament. ; Même si la construction d'un système démocratique n'était pas un des objectifs des Pères fondateurs de l'Union européenne, cette organisation est aujourd'hui dotée d'un parlement co-législateur élu directement tous les cinq ans. Vu que l'élection reste le principal vecteur de participation et de légitimation des systèmes politiques en Europe, les représentants des Etats membres ont choisi ce moyen pour essayer d'accroître la légitimité de la Communauté européenne. Plus de trente ans après les premières élections directes, force est de constater que cette stratégie n'a pas porté ses fruits. L'abstention électorale, déjà élevée en 1979, ne cesse d'augmenter à chaque nouveau scrutin. Néanmoins, les inquiétudes que cela suscite au sein du Parlement et des institutions européennes semblent exagérées et contreproductives. L'objectif de cet article est de montrer que le taux important d'abstention ...

During the past decade, Mercosur has been insistently presented as the priority of Brazilian foreign policy. Nevertheless, in this period regional integration has neither deepened nor enlarged. This article aims to explain this gap between discourse and practice by examining how Brazil's regionalism policy is characterized. The analysis is based on a case study of the creation of Mercosur's Parliament in 2006. Theoretically, we argue that discursive institutionalism and international regimes theory can largely account for the detachment of Brazil from Mercosur and the limited interdependence that has been built among these countries. The conclusion points to the induction of a low-impact regionalism that facilitates Brazil's actions at the international level. ; En el último decenio se ha insistido en señalar que el Mercosur tiene prioridad en la política exterior del Brasil. Sin embargo, durante este tiempo la integración regional no ha aumentado ni se ha profundizado. El presente artículo procura explicar este vacío entre el discurso y la práctica mediante un examen de las características de la política brasileña en materia de regionalismo. El análisis se basa en un estudio de caso sobre la creación del Parlamento del Mercosur en 2006. En principio, sostenemos que en gran medida el institucionalismo discursivo y la teoría de los sistemas internacionales pueden explicar por qué Brasil ha mantenido distancia del Mercosur y la limitada interdependencia que se ha construido entre los países que lo componen. La conclusión apunta a que se ha producido un regionalismo débil que facilita la acción del Brasil en el plano internacional.