Suchergebnisse

"This edited volume deals with the reintegration and trajectories of intrastate or interstate war veterans. It raises the question of the effects of the war experience on ex-combatants with regards, in particular, to the perpetuation of a certain level of violence as well as the maintaining of structures, networks, and war methods after the war. The book considers various modalities of reintegration and analyzes how they are linked to resources, statuses, and sociabilities that were all built during the war. The various chapters of the book also analyze the role of policies that were made for war veterans, the way society welcomed them back, and the social and economic context. "--

Résumé Je m'emploie ici à identifier un des nombreux obstacles bureaucratiques à la réalisation d'enquêtes de terrain : celui incarné par le FSD. Mis en place pendant la guerre froide, le FSD était quasi inconnu des chercheurs et enseignants-chercheurs jusqu'aux années 1980-1990. Depuis, la délivrance de son avis lors des demandes d'ordre de mission constitue un tracas de plus en plus pesant et les catégories de personnel soumises à cet avis sont de plus en plus nombreuses. Les chercheurs français sont empêchés de mener des enquêtes de terrain, notamment à l'étranger, à partir de considérations sécuritaires et d'indicateurs discutables, sans considération des enjeux de connaissance, et alors que de nombreux acteurs dans d'autres domaines (économiques, politiques, social, culturel, médiatique) ou ressortissants d'autres pays peuvent se rendre sur ces terrains.

Drawing on semi-directed interviews with ex-combatants from the Kosovo Liberation Army (UÇK) and the archives of the international organization responsible for disarming and demobilizing the combatants, this article examines the process by which individuals joined the armed resistance movement in Kosovo in the 1980s and 1990s. Based on a "ground-level" approach, we emphasize the incremental nature of this mobilization and challenge the widespread understanding that Albanians in Kosovo turned suddenly to armed resistance. We also challenge strategic-political accounts of the origins of the armed struggle, instead of highlighting the importance of chance events. From a relational perspective, we demonstrate the significance of the repression that those involved in armed violence had experienced, either personally or collectively. Individual decisions to join the armed conflict of 1998–1999 took place in a continuum, following on from earlier periods that had been marked by excessive state violence.

Le Brexit soulève en Écosse des questions fondamentales qui ont trait au pouvoir et à la légitimité démocratique. Qui a aujourd'hui mandat pour parler et agir au nom de ce pays qui a largement voté en faveur du maintien dans l'UE : le gouvernement central de Londres ou le gouvernement local d'Édimbourg ? Si les deux peuvent légalement prétendre au statut de représentants de l'Écosse, dans la pratique, leurs positions sont totalement incompatibles. C'est donc une bataille des légitimités qui fait aujourd'hui rage en Écosse, chacun s'estimant «mandaté» à prendre des décisions fondamentales dont va dépendre l'avenir politique et constitutionnel du pays, que ce soit la sortie de l'UE ou l'organisation d'un nouveau référendum d'autodétermination. Cette bataille sera décisive, car quel pourrait être l'avenir à long terme de l'Écosse dans un Royaume-Uni dont le gouvernement aurait perdu sa légitimité à la gouverner ?

International audience ; This paper addresses 'cooperation' between the former combatants of the Kosovo Liberation Army and international actors in Kosovo following the adoption in 1999 of the Undertaking of Demilitarisation and Transformation by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Though the UN Resolution 1244 called for the dismantling of Albanian armed groups, the Undertaking actually created a new organisation, the Kosovo Protection Corps, which can be seen as a quasi-army and extension of the KLA. Far from being a typical achievement of the liberal peace, the KPC was the result of KLA resistance and a co-production of DDR policy in Kosovo. To understand some (generally underestimated) outcomes of the peacebuilding mission in Kosovo, one must turn to the 'political sociology of intervention', in particular by examining the interdependent 'strategic interactions' that took place between intermediary actors and international administrators. Former KLA combatants sought to promote their own agenda. Since peacebuilders required their cooperation to implement peace, they acceded to some KLA demands. As a result of this negotiation process, the KPC may be seen as a hybrid entity that permitted an alliance between, on the one hand, pragmatic combatants who had renounced armed struggle and transformed their organisation into political parties and, on the other, international administrators who favoured the stability of the peace mission. Consequently, international interventions produce substantial effects on the societies in which they take place, by reinforcing some groups and weakening other ones.

International audience ; This paper addresses 'cooperation' between the former combatants of the Kosovo Liberation Army and international actors in Kosovo following the adoption in 1999 of the Undertaking of Demilitarisation and Transformation by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Though the UN Resolution 1244 called for the dismantling of Albanian armed groups, the Undertaking actually created a new organisation, the Kosovo Protection Corps, which can be seen as a quasi-army and extension of the KLA. Far from being a typical achievement of the liberal peace, the KPC was the result of KLA resistance and a co-production of DDR policy in Kosovo. To understand some (generally underestimated) outcomes of the peacebuilding mission in Kosovo, one must turn to the 'political sociology of intervention', in particular by examining the interdependent 'strategic interactions' that took place between intermediary actors and international administrators. Former KLA combatants sought to promote their own agenda. Since peacebuilders required their cooperation to implement peace, they acceded to some KLA demands. As a result of this negotiation process, the KPC may be seen as a hybrid entity that permitted an alliance between, on the one hand, pragmatic combatants who had renounced armed struggle and transformed their organisation into political parties and, on the other, international administrators who favoured the stability of the peace mission. Consequently, international interventions produce substantial effects on the societies in which they take place, by reinforcing some groups and weakening other ones.

International audience ; This paper addresses 'cooperation' between the former combatants of the Kosovo Liberation Army and international actors in Kosovo following the adoption in 1999 of the Undertaking of Demilitarisation and Transformation by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Though the UN Resolution 1244 called for the dismantling of Albanian armed groups, the Undertaking actually created a new organisation, the Kosovo Protection Corps, which can be seen as a quasi-army and extension of the KLA. Far from being a typical achievement of the liberal peace, the KPC was the result of KLA resistance and a co-production of DDR policy in Kosovo. To understand some (generally underestimated) outcomes of the peacebuilding mission in Kosovo, one must turn to the 'political sociology of intervention', in particular by examining the interdependent 'strategic interactions' that took place between intermediary actors and international administrators. Former KLA combatants sought to promote their own agenda. Since peacebuilders required their cooperation to implement peace, they acceded to some KLA demands. As a result of this negotiation process, the KPC may be seen as a hybrid entity that permitted an alliance between, on the one hand, pragmatic combatants who had renounced armed struggle and transformed their organisation into political parties and, on the other, international administrators who favoured the stability of the peace mission. Consequently, international interventions produce substantial effects on the societies in which they take place, by reinforcing some groups and weakening other ones.

International audience ; This paper addresses 'cooperation' between the former combatants of the Kosovo Liberation Army and international actors in Kosovo following the adoption in 1999 of the Undertaking of Demilitarisation and Transformation by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Though the UN Resolution 1244 called for the dismantling of Albanian armed groups, the Undertaking actually created a new organisation, the Kosovo Protection Corps, which can be seen as a quasi-army and extension of the KLA. Far from being a typical achievement of the liberal peace, the KPC was the result of KLA resistance and a co-production of DDR policy in Kosovo. To understand some (generally underestimated) outcomes of the peacebuilding mission in Kosovo, one must turn to the 'political sociology of intervention', in particular by examining the interdependent 'strategic interactions' that took place between intermediary actors and international administrators. Former KLA combatants sought to promote their own agenda. Since peacebuilders required their cooperation to implement peace, they acceded to some KLA demands. As a result of this negotiation process, the KPC may be seen as a hybrid entity that permitted an alliance between, on the one hand, pragmatic combatants who had renounced armed struggle and transformed their organisation into political parties and, on the other, international administrators who favoured the stability of the peace mission. Consequently, international interventions produce substantial effects on the societies in which they take place, by reinforcing some groups and weakening other ones.

Au Kosovo, je n'aurais pu être introduite auprès des combattants de la Drenica sans Genc, fidèle ami revenu au Kosovo après-guerre, après plusieurs années passées en France, et mes séjours auraient été beaucoup plus austères sans l'accueil généreux de toute sa famille. Pour avoir exercé un mandat de député, il connaissait parfaitement les arcanes du pouvoir politique auxquelles il m'a initiée et de par son immersion dans la société, il a pu me présenter des personnes clés grâce auxquelles j'ai réalisé des entretiens avec des combattants. Un grand merci à Bujar, Bahri et Ruzhdi qui m'ont fait confiance en m'introduisant auprès de leurs « frères d'armes », en dépit des inquiétudes que mon enquête avait pu parfois susciter. Toute ma gratitude également à Valbona, Shqipe et Lekë qui ont traduit ces entretiens mais qui ont été bien plus que des traducteurs au cours de ces journées intenses.