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"This book examines the importance of flat ontologies for law and sociolegal theory. Associated with the emergence of new materialism in the humanities and social sciences, the elaboration of flat ontologies challenges the binarism that has maintained the separation of culture from nature, and the human from the nonhuman. Although most work in legal theory and sociolegal studies continues to adopt a non-flat, anthropocentric and immaterial take on law, the critique of this perspective is becoming more and more influential. Engaging the increasing legal interest in flat ontologies, this book offers an account of the main theoretical perspectives, and their importance for law. Covering the work of the five major theorists in the area - Gabriel Tarde, Bruno Latour, Manuel DeLanda, Karen Barad and Graham Harman - the book aims to encourage this interest, as well as to explicate the important problems of and differences between these perspectives. Flat ontologies, the book demonstrates, can offer a valuable new perspective for understanding and thinking about law. This book will appeal mainly to scholars and students in legal theory and sociolegal studies; as well as others with interests in the posthumanist turn in philosophy and social theory"--

Niniejszy artykuł stanowi odpowiedź Michała Dudka na krytykę Wojciecha Ciszewskiego. W pierwszej jego części zauważa się między innymi przyjmowanie przez Dudka i Ciszewskiego ostatecznie różnych wizji neutralności moralnej prawa, czy ich wyraźnie odmienne sposoby prowadzenia analiz. Podkreśla się przy tym częste używanie przez Ciszewskiego bardzo idealistycznych, wręcz kontrfaktycznych konstrukcji i błędne odczytanie wywodów Dudka. W drugiej części natomiast Dudek, dostrzegając bardzo mało rozbudowaną krytykę Ciszewskiego na temat uzgadniania prawa z moralnością, prezentuje pełniejsze wyliczenie kontrowersji związanych z tym postulatem, m.in. problem niezupełności moralności, diagnozowania moralności czy rozciągnięcia procesu legislacyjnego.

In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner.

In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; 3 ; 1 ; 103 ; 124 ; 6 ; Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna

Zgodnie z koncepcją neutralności/autonomii moralnej prawa zakazane jest tworzenie prawa motywowane przekonaniem, że jedne sposoby życia są lepsze od innych. Ponadto koncepcja ta zakłada konieczność takich uzasadnień prawa, by nie można go było uznać za przejaw preferencji jednej moralności nad inne. Artykuł jest próbą spojrzenia na neutralność/autonomię moralną prawa z perspektywy socjologiczno-prawnej, akcentuje ideał prawa uspołecznionego, czyli prawa faktycznie, dobrowolnie (bez konieczności "zewnętrznego" przymusowego egzekwowania) przestrzeganego przez jego adresatów. Pojęcie indyferentności moralnej prawa (oznaczające sytuację, w której prawo reguluje postępowanie niebędące równocześnie uregulowane przez moralność) jest pomocne w argumentacji. W artykule pokazuje się, że neutralność/autonomia moralna prawa jest wysoce problematyczna, np. nie jest dokładnie określone, wobec czyjej i jakiej moralności ustawodawca powinien być neutralny, a także czy w ogóle może on charakteryzować się taką postawą. Uwagę skupia się na tym, że neutralne motywy nie zawsze skutkują w neutralnym prawie. Usprawiedliwia to opinię, że neutralność/autonomia moralna prawa zdaje się jedynie stwarzać pozory rozwiązania problemu, a tak naprawdę generuje kolejne problemy. Próby realizacji tej koncepcji prowadzić mogą bowiem do manipulacji w procesie ustawodawczym i wykształcenia się łatwych do zakwestionowania nieoficjalnych norm dotyczących tworzenia i uzasadniania prawa. Przyjmując, że każde prawo może być traktowane przez swoich adresatów jako opresyjne, najlepszym sposobem przeciwdziałania takim złym opiniom na temat prawa (i ich możliwym negatywnym konsekwencjom) jest dążenie do uspołecznionego prawa, choć realizacja tego postulatu także napotyka szereg trudności.

A clear long-term economic trend is the concentration of capital and settlement. These processes increasingly include development centres located in cities and their functional areas. In turn, many peripheral areas, including rural areas, are subject to socio-economic marginalization. As a result, the inter-regional and intra-regional disparities in wealth and quality of life become more visible and deepen. Increasing spatial differences are confront with numerous scientific explanations and remedies, which usually are translated into different strategies and practices of regional policy. Regional policy actions assume a different scope, objectives, instruments of intervention and could be categorized as a policy based on the paradigm of competitiveness (polarisation) or sustainability. The aim of the paper was to determine the level of economic disparities between urban and rural regions in Poland in the context of assessment of implemented regional policy. In the paper selected approaches to supporting rural development in regional policy, namely the perspectives based on the paradigm of competitiveness and sustainability were characterised. The analyses carried out documented the differences in the intensity of support of EU Cohesion Policy tools per capita in favour of urban regions. Even though the value of financial support from EU funds was positively correlated with the level of regional development, there was no statistically significant impact of this intervention on the processes of economic convergence and divergence. The conclusions presented in the study were based on the analysis of the Eurostat data gathered for 72 Polish sub-regions in 2007-2015. For the purpose of the study the statistical methods (i.e. descriptive statistics, measures of economic convergence), as well as the content analysis of strategic documents were used. Key words: rural regions, competitiveness, sustainability, economic development, regional policy

Agricultural holdings run by individual farmers, known as family farms, have long dominated the Polish agriculture. The purpose of the article was to characterize selected socio-demographic features of the agricultural population and the factor of transformations within family farms. In years 2010-2016, a decline in the number of family farms in Poland and individuals working there was observed, which was a continuation of the trend initiated in the period of economic transformation. The decrease in the number of family farms was accompanied by changes consisting of the improvement in the level of education, but also aging of those managing the farms, and the departure of family members from performing non-agricultural activities. On the one hand, these phenomena demonstrated the professionalization and specialization of some family farms, but they also demonstrated the increasing diversification of the economic activity of people in small entities that constitute the majority of the farms in Poland. The presented results were based on the CSO data and literature on the subject. The study used a comparative method and a statistical data analysis.

Seria: Multi-Annual Programme 2005-2009. The economic and social conditions of the development of the Polish food economy following Poland's accession to the European Union, no 128.1 ; Kierunki rozwoju i przekształceń rolnictwa i obszarów wiejskich w Polsce, Czechach, na Węgrzech, w Bułgarii, Słowenii, Białorusi, Serbii, Rumunii, Łotwie i Słowacji. ; Kamila Sobiecka