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"The idea that citizenship was the right of all humanity emerged during the French Revolution. However, this right was limited by gender, class and race. Studying Europe and its colonies and , the United States, Lebanon, and Dutch Indonesia, this book analyses images of masculine citizenship in political rhetoric, culture, art andand various colonial political struggles from the 18th to the 20th centuries. Politicians manipulated the rhetoric of masculine citizenship, using images of paternity and fraternity. Art represented competing images of the masculine citizen, ranging from the black revolutionary to the neo-Greek white statue. Colonial Political subjects in empires and colonies subjects appropriated and subverted these western ideals, revealing the exclusions in the rhetoric of masculine citizenship." -- Publisher's description

This article explores visual strategies of legitimisation deployed in the establishment of the Dutch Restoration monarchy. It asks how these visual strategies were shaped by historically specific notions of masculinity and simultaneously helped shape such notions. Concentrating on the first state portrait of William I as King by Joseph Paelinck painted in 1818, it argues that this portrait was part of a 'staging' of the Dutch Restoration monarchy. In the absence of ancien régime claims to legitimacy, Restoration monarchies needed to have recourse to theatrical means of legitimisation, but also had to make sure not to provoke associations with the theatrical elements inherent in old regime monarchies. The representation of the King's body in the state portrait, drawing strongly on neoclassical and revolutionary conventions, invoked notions of masculinity centring around political virtue and naturalness. As such, the King's body, and the masculinity it represented, helped undo the artificiality associated with monarchy and lent a sense of reality to the staging of the Dutch Restoration monarchy.

This article explores visual strategies of legitimisation deployed in the establishment of the Dutch Restoration monarchy. It asks how these visual strategies were shaped by historically specific notions of masculinity and simultaneously helped shape such notions. Concentrating on the first state portrait of William I as King by Joseph Paelinck painted in 1818, it argues that this portrait was part of a 'staging' of the Dutch Restoration monarchy. In the absence of ancien régime claims to legitimacy, Restoration monarchies needed to have recourse to theatrical means of legitimisation, but also had to make sure not to provoke associations with the theatrical elements inherent in old regime monarchies. The representation of the King's body in the state portrait, drawing strongly on neoclassical and revolutionary conventions, invoked notions of masculinity centring around political virtue and naturalness. As such, the King's body, and the masculinity it represented, helped undo the artificiality associated with monarchy and lent a sense of reality to the staging of the Dutch Restoration monarchy. This article is part of the special issue 'Low Countries Histories of Masculinity'.

This article explores visual strategies of legitimisation deployed in the establishment of the Dutch Restoration monarchy. It asks how these visual strategies were shaped by historically specific notions of masculinity and simultaneously helped shape such notions. Concentrating on the first state portrait of William I as King by Joseph Paelinck painted in 1818, it argues that this portrait was part of a 'staging' of the Dutch Restoration monarchy. In the absence of ancien régime claims to legitimacy, Restoration monarchies needed to have recourse to theatrical means of legitimisation, but also had to make sure not to provoke associations with the theatrical elements inherent in old regime monarchies. The representation of the King's body in the state portrait, drawing strongly on neoclassical and revolutionary conventions, invoked notions of masculinity centring around political virtue and naturalness. As such, the King's body, and the masculinity it represented, helped undo the artificiality associated with monarchy and lent a sense of reality to the staging of the Dutch Restoration monarchy. This article is part of the special issue 'Low Countries Histories of Masculinity'.

Résumé Dans les récents débats relatifs au multiculturalisme et à l'islam, l'homosexualité a eu un rôle remarquable dans les tentatives de redéfinir la nation et de ré-établir ses frontières dans de nombreux pays européens et ailleurs. Cet article cherche à éclairer cette situation en déplaçant le regard vers le pouvoir de signification de l'homosexualité dans la culture politique moderne. Il défend l'idée que le pouvoir de signification de l'homosexualité dérive de son statut culturel qui en fait une vérité naturelle et fondamentale de la personne. Les éléments combinés de vérité et de nature font de l'homosexualité une catégorie culturelle qui peut être efficacement déployée pour établir des vérités dans des champs autres que ceux qui relèvent strictement de la sexualité entre personnes du même sexe. Que la notion d'homosexualité comme étant en partie naturelle trouve son origine dans les discours de différence raciale du 19 su e rn ?siècle est d'une pertinence particulière dans les débats ayant trait à la nation et à son identité. Les éléments raciaux de la construction de l'homosexualité moderne réapparaissent dans les tentatives contemporaines de redéfinir la nation et de ré-établir ses frontières, mais avec une différence importante?: l'homosexualité n'est plus, comme elle l'était dans le passé, associée à la noirceur ou à la judaïté. Elle est désormais blanche.

In recent debates over multiculturalism and Islam homosexuality has been granted a remarkable role, in several European countries and elsewhere, in attempts to redefine the nation and to re-establish its boundaries. This essay tries to answer the question why this is the case by concentrating on the signifying power of homosexuality in modern political culture. It argues that homosexuality's signifying power derives from its cultural status as a fundamental and natural truth about the person. The combined elements of truth and nature make homosexuality a cultural category that can effectively be deployed to establish truths in fields other than those that pertain to same-sex sexuality strictly speaking. Of particular relevance to debates about the nation and its identity is the fact that the notion of homosexuality as natural partly rests on nineteenth-century discourses of racial difference. The racial elements in the construction of modern homosexuality re-appear in contemporary attempts to redefine the nation and to re-establish its boundaries, but with an important difference. Homosexuality is no longer, as in the past, associated with blackness and Jewishness; it has become white. Adapted from the source document.

This article addresses three caveats in populist radical right (PRR) voter studies focusing on gender and sexuality: omission of potential voters, representing gender and sexuality as one undifferentiated category, and issue-specific rather than comparative analysis. We use a theory-grounded latent class analysis, based on the Dutch Parliamentary Election Study (2021), to identify voter profiles in terms of how nativism, populism, and gender identity and sexuality attitudes combine differently among citizens who are inclined to vote populist radical right. Empirically, we find distinct profiles in terms of populism, nativism and gender identity and sexuality attitudes: a small minority of gender-and-sexuality-conservatives and larger classes of more modern and moderate potential populist radical right voters; but all clearly nativist. Abstracting from the specific case of the Netherlands, we provide typological descriptions of populist radical right voters that are likely also relevant in other countries.

AbstractResearch shows that masculinity and sexuality are pivotal to the leadership and success of the populist radical right (PRR). In particular, normative conceptions of masculinity, as seen in gendered nationalism, have been argued to be important to the appeal of PRR parties. However, the supply side of this dynamic remains understudied. To fill this gap, this article uses critical discourse analysis to analyze the role of masculinity and sexuality in the self-positioning and envisioned hegemonies of the most successful Dutch PRR leaders: Pim Fortuyn, Geert Wilders, and Thierry Baudet. The Dutch case is particularly insightful as it presents a diverse array of PRR parties in one country context. We found crucial similarities and differences between the discourses of these leaders. Our findings suggest that masculinity and sexuality, while constitutive at the party level, are largely negotiable or nondefining for the larger party family. These findings problematize often-made identifications of PRR politics with a one-of-a-kind conservative ideology of gender and sexuality.

The handbook is a reference work of thirty-two essays jointly written by specialists in the history of military and war and experts in gender and women's history. The collection, covering four centuries from the Thirty Years' War to the present Wars of Globalization, investigates how gender contributed to the shaping of warfare and the military and was at the same time transformed by them. The essays explore this question by focusing on themes such as the cultural representations of military and war; war mobilization of and war support by society; war experiences on the home fronts and battlefronts; gendered war violence; military service and citizenship; war demobilization, postwar societies, and memories; and attempts to regulate and tame warfare and prevent new wars.

To date, war history has focused predominantly on the efforts of and impact of war on male participants. However, this limited focus disregards the complexity of gendered experiences with war and the military. The Oxford Handbook of Gender, War, and the Western World since 1600 investigates how conceptions of gender have contributed to the shaping of military culture, examining the varied ideals and practices that have socially differentiated men and women's wartime experiences. Covering the major periods in warfare since the seventeenth century, The Handbook explores cultural representations of war and the interconnectedness of the military with civil society and its transformations.

To date, the history of military and war has focused predominantly on men as historical agents, disregarding gender and its complex interrelationships with war and the military. The Oxford Handbook of Gender, War, and the Western World since 1600 investigates how conceptions of gender have contributed to the shaping of war and the military and were transformed by them. Covering the major periods in warfare since the seventeenth century, the Handbook focuses on Europe and the long-term processes of colonization and empire-building in the Americas, Asia, Africa and Australia. Thirty-two essays written by leading international scholars explore the cultural representations of war and the military, war mobilization, and war experiences at home and on the battle front. Essays address the gendered aftermath and memories of war, as well as gendered war violence. Essays also examine movements to regulate and prevent warfare, the consequences of participation in the military for citizenship, and challenges to ideals of Western military masculinity posed by female, gay, and lesbian soldiers and colonial soldiers of color. The Oxford Handbook of Gender, War, and the Western World since 1600 offers an authoritative account of the intricate relationships between gender, warfare, and military culture across time and space.