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Metropolitan Dionysius on the Nationality Question in the Orthodox Church in Interwar PolandMetropolitan Dionysius took over management of the Orthodox Church in Poland in 1923, and he continued in this role throughout the difficult period of the Second Polish Republic. At that time the Orthodox Church was identified with the Russian invader, and seen as a symbol of the partitions as well as of the religious and ethnic oppression of Poles. At the same time it was the largest religious association in Poland, apart from the Roman Catholic Church. During this period, the Orthodox Church embraced several different nationalities among the faithful (including Ukrainians, Belarusians, Russians and others). This posed a significant problem in both the Church's internal relations and in its relations with the Polish state. Some political minority groups tried to make the Orthodox religion an element of national separatism. On the other hand, for the state authorities, the Orthodox Church was an institution which carried out its policy and objectives for the benefit of a particular ethnic minority. Throughout the period Metropolitan Dionysius had to guide the Church in such a way as to meet the needs of ethnically diverse believers, in spite of the basically unfriendly or even hostile attitude of the Polish state towards the Orthodox Church. He had to reconcile the sympathies of the faithful of Ukrainian, Russian, Belarusian and Polish origins, and to deal with the various political forces existing within the Orthodox Church, which sought to shape its institutional form and to give it a specific political function.

Metropolitan Dionysius on the Nationality Question in the Orthodox Church in Interwar PolandMetropolitan Dionysius took over management of the Orthodox Church in Poland in 1923, and he continued in this role throughout the difficult period of the Second Polish Republic. At that time the Orthodox Church was identified with the Russian invader, and seen as a symbol of the partitions as well as of the religious and ethnic oppression of Poles. At the same time it was the largest religious association in Poland, apart from the Roman Catholic Church. During this period, the Orthodox Church embraced several different nationalities among the faithful (including Ukrainians, Belarusians, Russians and others). This posed a significant problem in both the Church's internal relations and in its relations with the Polish state. Some political minority groups tried to make the Orthodox religion an element of national separatism. On the other hand, for the state authorities, the Orthodox Church was an institution which carried out its policy and objectives for the benefit of a particular ethnic minority. Throughout the period Metropolitan Dionysius had to guide the Church in such a way as to meet the needs of ethnically diverse believers, in spite of the basically unfriendly or even hostile attitude of the Polish state towards the Orthodox Church. He had to reconcile the sympathies of the faithful of Ukrainian, Russian, Belarusian and Polish origins, and to deal with the various political forces existing within the Orthodox Church, which sought to shape its institutional form and to give it a specific political function.

Abstract
Members of the Greek community living in Poland are making efforts to obtain the status of a national minority. Their ancestors have been present on Polish lands since the Middle Ages. Over the centuries, Greeks played an important role in the development of economic and scientific life of Polish cities. They were co-creators of Polish culture, art, and animators of the development of Orthodox religious life. Nowadays, the Greek minority is a permanent element of the Polish society, cultivating its own national and religious traditions. Its representatives are political and local government activists. Through the created organizational structures, they emphasize and cultivate their own national identity. The Greeks in Poland meet all the legal requirements for recognition as a national minority.

Abstract
The election of superiors in the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church was one of the key elements in the religious policy of the communist authorities. The new superiors were expected to be full of loyalty and closely cooperate and support the social and political changes taking place. The rulers wanted the bishops and the Orthodox clergy to take full control. The way to do this was to influence the selection of a suitable candidate for the position of a metropolitan. The choice of a superior appointed by the authorities was to fully guarantee the realization of tasks important from the point of view of the multilateral activity of the state.

Abstract
The article describes the basic problems of the Lemko community in Central Europe, with particular emphasis on the population living in Poland, its fate, history and contemporary position in Poland, recalling, among other things, the activities of associations (the Association of Lemkos, the Union of Lemkos, organization of Watra). The author presented literature by analyzing the content of Marek Koprowski's book.

Government policy towards the election and activity of Metropolitan Macarius (Oksijuk) In post-war Poland, the state authorities aimed at taking control of the religious life of the individual Churches and religious organizations. Surveillance efforts were made to maintain, among others, by appropriate selection of the superior of the Church and diocesan bishops. The election of Macarius (Oksijuk), Archbishop of the Russian Orthodox Church for the position of Metropolitan in July 1951 years should be understood in this context. The hierarch was also to give a guarantee of loyalty, implement his policy in line with the vision of communist authorities and ensure close cooperation with the Patriarchate of Moscow. Unrealized demands of the state authorities (emerging Russification trends, the lack of wider support in missionary activity among the Greek Catholics) contributed to undertake a process of dismissing Macarius from managing the Orthodox Church. Polityka władz państwowych wobec wyboru i działalności metropolity Makarego, zwierzchnika Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła PrawosławnegoPowojenna polityka państwa wobec Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła Prawosławnego zmierzała do ograniczenia jego roli tylko do zadań religijnych, jednocześnie przy objęciu pozostałej działalności całkowitą kontrolą. Nadzór starano się utrzymywać m.in. poprzez odpowiedni dobór zwierzchnika Kościoła. Jednym z elementów polityki był wybór na stanowisko metropolity w 1951 roku Makarego (Oksijuka), arcybiskupa Rosyjskiego Kościoła Prawosławnego. Po odsunięciu w 1948 roku od zarządzania Kościołem metropolity Dionizego władze wyznaniowe dążyły do obsadzenia tronu metropolitalnego przez hierarchę, który miałby realizować politykę kościelną zgodną z linią polityczną władz. Pomimo zrealizowania założonych celów metropolita Makary okazał się hierarchą, który nie spełnił oczekiwań władz (m.in. w zakresie polityki wobec grekokatolików), co wpłynęło na podjęcie decyzji o usunięciu go z zajmowanego stanowiska.

Government policy towards the election and activity of Metropolitan Macarius (Oksijuk) In post-war Poland, the state authorities aimed at taking control of the religious life of the individual Churches and religious organizations. Surveillance efforts were made to maintain, among others, by appropriate selection of the superior of the Church and diocesan bishops. The election of Macarius (Oksijuk), Archbishop of the Russian Orthodox Church for the position of Metropolitan in July 1951 years should be understood in this context. The hierarch was also to give a guarantee of loyalty, implement his policy in line with the vision of communist authorities and ensure close cooperation with the Patriarchate of Moscow. Unrealized demands of the state authorities (emerging Russification trends, the lack of wider support in missionary activity among the Greek Catholics) contributed to undertake a process of dismissing Macarius from managing the Orthodox Church. Polityka władz państwowych wobec wyboru i działalności metropolity Makarego, zwierzchnika Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła PrawosławnegoPowojenna polityka państwa wobec Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła Prawosławnego zmierzała do ograniczenia jego roli tylko do zadań religijnych, jednocześnie przy objęciu pozostałej działalności całkowitą kontrolą. Nadzór starano się utrzymywać m.in. poprzez odpowiedni dobór zwierzchnika Kościoła. Jednym z elementów polityki był wybór na stanowisko metropolity w 1951 roku Makarego (Oksijuka), arcybiskupa Rosyjskiego Kościoła Prawosławnego. Po odsunięciu w 1948 roku od zarządzania Kościołem metropolity Dionizego władze wyznaniowe dążyły do obsadzenia tronu metropolitalnego przez hierarchę, który miałby realizować politykę kościelną zgodną z linią polityczną władz. Pomimo zrealizowania założonych celów metropolita Makary okazał się hierarchą, który nie spełnił oczekiwań władz (m.in. w zakresie polityki wobec grekokatolików), co wpłynęło na podjęcie decyzji o usunięciu go z zajmowanego stanowiska.