Suchergebnisse

It is a well-known fact that the major Canadian political parties now use political marketing tools to segment the electorate and target specific groups of voters. Positional issues are at the centre of this type of micro-targeting strategy. This article demonstrates that positional issues played a greater role in Canadian electoral politics than previously assumed. Despite the many theoretical reasons for why the effects of positional issues might have been overlooked, accounting for disaggregation error shows stable and consistent effect of positional issues on vote choice in Canada. Multi-item issue scales are used to test the stability and relative strength of positional issues compared to rival concepts, such as values and party identification. Once measured through aggregated items, the effects of positional issues on vote choice in Canada might even compare with those of conventional vote predictors, such as party identification. Hence, it shows that the actions parties take to capitalize on positional issues, as described by the political marketing literature, are justified.

AbstractThere is an inherent conflict between the political marketing model of humans and pioneering theories in electoral behavior research. While political marketing logic implies an issue-based and highly volatile voting behavior, voting theories conventionally assume that positional issues have little effect on how individuals vote, and so parties have little incentive to develop issue-based electoral strategies. However, few people would challenge the role that marketing now plays in the modern campaign process. How can we reconcile these theories? This paper revisits the role and impact of positional issues on voting behavior by testing whether specific issues affect different subgroups of voters as contended by the 'issue-public' theory. The results show that previous models underestimate issue voting. Once measurement accuracy is improved and the salience-based heterogeneity of issue effects is taken into consideration, positional issues have non-negligible effects on individual vote choice. Furthermore, salience-based heterogeneity is shown to explain better the variation in issue voting than heterogeneity based on political sophistication.

The use of negative political communication is a predominant characteristic of modern politics. However, literature doesn't provide an answer to the following question: what explains fluctuations in the use of negative messages within political organisations during a given political campaign? The present paper examines this question in the context of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. Data consists of all tweets distributed by the official Twitter account of both campaign organisations (@YesScotlandand@UK_Together) between June 16, 2014 and September 17, 2014. Results are obtained by a non-parametric local regression and by time-series regression analyses. Our model demonstrates that having an advance in the polls had a statistically significant influence on the tweet sentiment of at least one organisation during the referendum campaign: Better Together's messages were more negative when it was ahead in the polls. Meanwhile, Yes Scotland's messages were more negative after each of the leaders' debates.

Intro -- Dédicace à François Pétry, professeur émérite, 1948-2020 -- Remerciements -- L'histoire du Polimètre -- Table des matières -- Liste des figures -- Liste des figures -- Liste des tableaux -- Liste des tableaux -- Préface -- Les promesses caquistes à l'ombre des « cygnes noirs » -- Antoine Robitaille -- LE CYGNE NOIR -- INÉVITABLE ? -- PROMESSE IMPLICITE -- ACCÉLÉRATEUR OU RETARDATEUR ? -- TROISIÈME LIEN -- MODE DE SCRUTIN -- ÉTHIQUE -- PAS D'ENQUÊTE -- Chapitre 1 -- Introduction à un mandat entre nationalisme et pandémie

Le 3 octobre 2022, les citoyens et citoyennes du Québec auront l'occasion de se prononcer sur le bilan du gouvernement de la CAQ en tant que livreur de promesses, artisan d'un variant du nationalisme autonomiste et gestionnaire de la pandémie. Cet ouvrage collectif propose une évaluation indépendante de la performance de ce gouvernement en tenant compte des conséquences de la crise sanitaire sur la réalisation de ses engagements.

ABSTRACTIn the last decade, text-analytic methods have become a fundamental element of a political researcher's toolkit. Today, text analysis is taught in most major universities; many have entire courses dedicated to the topic. This article offers a systematic review of 45 syllabi of text-analysis courses around the world. From these syllabi, we extracted data that allowed us to rank canonical sources and discuss the variety of software used in teaching. Furthermore, we argue that our empirical method for building a text-analysis syllabus could easily be extended to syllabi for other courses. For instance, scholars can use our technique to introduce their graduate students to the field of systematic reviews while improving the quality of their syllabi.

AbstractThis article endeavours to explain why English Canadians and Quebeckers differ in their opinions about private healthcare options. Data indicates that respondents in the nine predominantly English-speaking provinces are more likely to oppose private hospitals than Quebeckers. No one province or region in "English Canada" drives these results: aversion to private hospitals is consistent across the nine provinces. Research on welfare states slots Canada into the "liberal" category, which is indicative of a preference for market solutions to welfare problems, which makes this finding perplexing. The argument presented here is that universal healthcare has become bound up with the national identity of English Canada, resulting in a general aversion to private healthcare initiatives outside of Quebec.