Suchergebnisse

AbstractContributing to recent debates on indigeneity, this article investigates contradictions of indigeneity, especially the "indigenous paradox," that is, the formation of indigeneity through claiming sovereignty and autonomy from the state by acknowledging the very state and its laws as the framework for those claims, in the context of Indonesia. After analyzing how indigeneity came into existence in the Indonesian context, this article sheds light on the process of indigenous recognition in the Duri highlands, South Sulawesi. It is argued that the contradictions of indigeneity concern not only indigenous—state relations, but also narratives on tradition and history, and most of all, economic contradictions. It is the recognition of the overall framework of capitalism and the state which makes possible the emergence of alternative local economies based upon solidarity. Drawing on Louis Althusser's concept of overdetermination, this article suggests that indigeneity shapes the way how economic contradictions are expressed, and while it provides local spaces for alternative economies, indigeneity is also prone to being incorporated into the logics of capitalism.

Social media have played a major role as a place where one can meet and socialize with like-minded people, and this is especially important for marginalized groups. Atheists depict such a group in Indonesia where public expressions of atheism are punishable. Whereas social media often plays an important role in finding like-minded people, it is also potentially dangerous to reject religion on social media. In this research workshop, I argue that insights into the ways in which atheists use and engage in social media groups are crucial if one wants to know more about atheist ways of life in Indonesia. However, atheist groups are subject to internal fragmentation, as atheism in Indonesia is highly diverse, and, as a researcher, one can find oneself caught up in these internal struggles. Finally, I argue that social media research is an important addition to offline research, since it enables the researcher, especially when dealing with sensitive issues and identities, to directly enter and critically engage with the premises in which such identities are constituted and developed. (ASEAS/GIGA)

Some communities in Indonesia's margins have adopted indigenous identities to overcome stigmatization as 'backward'. Following recent government efforts to develop Indonesia's peripheral areas, these communities can also identify as entrepreneurs because they can now apply for land titles – a change that government officials hope will boost local economies. The question of who is 'indigenous' has thus become an area of political controversy that the state must address. Through analysis of legal documents and political processes, this paper focuses on state-indigenous relations in Indonesia, with an emphasis on economic processes. Participatory observations and interviews have been carried out to gain better insights into ongoing recognition of indigenous communities. Preliminary findings suggest that indigenous activists are disappointed, as the government is not pushing forward crucial legislation, and recognition of land titles is slow. Therefore, activists have instead turned their attention to means of rec- ognition in the regencies. The example of Enrekang, South Sulawesi, provides insights into these developments and into the current relations between the state and indigenous peoples.

Some communities in Indonesia's margins have adopted indigenous identities to overcome stigmatization as 'backward'. Following recent government efforts to develop Indonesia's peripheral areas, these communities can also identify as entrepreneurs because they can now apply for land titles – a change that government officials hope will boost local economies. The question of who is 'indigenous' has thus become an area of political controversy that the state must address. Through analysis of legal documents and political processes, this paper focuses on state-indigenous relations in Indonesia, with an emphasis on economic processes. Participatory observations and interviews have been carried out to gain better insights into ongoing recognition of indigenous communities. Preliminary findings suggest that indigenous activists are disappointed, as the government is not pushing forward crucial legislation, and recognition of land titles is slow. Therefore, activists have instead turned their attention to means of rec- ognition in the regencies. The example of Enrekang, South Sulawesi, provides insights into these developments and into the current relations between the state and indigenous peoples. (ASEAS/GIGA)

Indonesiens neuer Präsident Joko Widodo, der von vielen Indonesiern einfach »Jokowi« genannt wird, startete als Hoffnungsträger, doch die bisherige Bilanz gibt Anlass zur Ernüchterung.

Denny Januar Ali, Denny J. A. genannt, ist im literarischen Betrieb Indonesiens noch kein alter Hase. Von Haus ist er Politikwissenschaftler, der mit einer Studie über die Protestbewegung der Reformasi 1997/98 an der Ohio State University promovierte. Politikwissenschaft besteht für ihn heute aber vor allem aus Beratung wohlhabender KandidatInnen sowie Umfrageinstituten, von denen er einige (mit)gegründet hat. Diese haben ihn reich gemacht, heute ist er beispielsweise auch Besitzer einer Kette von Cafés. 2012 hat er die »Denny J. A.- Stiftung für ein Indonesien ohne Diskriminierung« ins Leben gerufen.

Während ihrer Anhörung vor dem International People Tribunal (IPT) in Den Haag im November 2015 betonte Saskia Wieringa die Bemühungen des Orde-Baru-Regimes von Präsident Suharto, die Kommunistische Partei Indonesiens (Partai Komu- nis Indonesia, PKI) als atheistisch und damit als Bedrohung für die indonesische Identität darzustellen. Diese direkte Verbindung hatte in den ers- ten Jahren nach der Unabhängigkeit nicht bestan- den. Nicht-Gläubige waren zwar an den Rand der Gesellschaft gedrängt worden, ohne aber als Bedrohung für die indonesische Nation wahrgenommen zu werden. Die These, die indonesische Identität sei nicht nur grundsätzlich theïstisch, sondern könne auch Nicht-Gläubige nicht akzeptieren, entstand als Produkt bestimmter politischer Diskurse nach 1965 und lebt in der Rechtspraxis bis heute fort.

At the end of 2016, Islamist organisations proved able to mobilise hundreds of thousands of people for political purposes in Indonesia. In order to explain their success, the role of social media should not be underestimated, as Islamic movements rely heavily on agitation in online media. This article sheds light on the example of the Front Pembela Islam, using one of the organisation's Facebook pages as a case study. Within the algorithmic enclave of a cyber tribe, narratives and symbols are applied in memes. The research examines how narratives and symbols evoke emotions in online memes and offline banners, what narratives are addressed, and how the memes make claims regarding commonly acknowledged signifiers such as the NKRI, Islam and Pluralism. The guiding thesis is that these memes express not simply anti-pluralist or anti-NKRI notions, as opponents of these groups frequently assert, but rather combinations ofrobust nationalism and their alternative version of pluralism with conservative Islamic approaches. Nonetheless, threats and enemies are inevitably present as a constitutive outside and suggest a highly exclusive version of Indonesianness. Thus similar narratives and symbols applied in online media also emerge within public spaces, blurring the distinction between the online and offline realms.

Nach den islamistisch motivierten Terroranschlägen im Herzen Jakartas am 14. Januar 2016 hatten sich viele eine kritische Diskussion über die Ursachen reaktionärer religiöser Ideologien gewünscht. Diese führen in Indonesien nicht nur zu wachsender Intoleranz gegenüber von den offiziellen Interpretationen abweichenden religiösen Überzeugungen,sondernkönnen letztlich auch in Gewalt und Terror münden. Allerdings wurde diese Debatte, als sie noch im Entstehen begriffen war, sofort von einer anderen überlagert, in der konservative religiöse Ansichten wieder ihre hegemoniale Stellung innerhalb öffentlicher Diskurse herstellen konnten.

Am 4. November 2016 waren Jakartas Straßen ganz in weiß getaucht. Etwa 100.000 Islamist*innen und Sympathisant*innen demonstrierten gegen den amtierenden Gouverneur von Jakarta. Islamistische Gruppen, aber auch Religionsgelehrte aus eher gemäßigten Gruppierungen, warfen ihm vor, den Islam beleidigt zu haben. Tatsächlich aber manifestierte sich in der Großdemonstration ein schon lange schwelender Konflikt, in dem Religion, Geld und die Macht politischer Eliten zusammenwirken.