Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe report of UN Secretary General titled Our Common Agenda argues that growing tensions between states and accumulation of global problems is a wake‐up call for international society. The choice now is either to follow the beaten track of dealing with global issues and risk a perpetual crisis or to undertake the effort to achieve a more solidary international system. One of the main protagonists of the new UN blueprint for securing multilateralism are cities and local and regional governments. The aim of the article is to examine how the EU, as a complex system of multilevel governance, supports sub‐national actors in their efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and whether this support is sufficient. I will also concentrate on Voluntary Local Reviews, which are a new extra‐state tools of foreign activities of subnational actors and try to explain why the intra‐EU channel needs to adapt to this challenge. The results show that the EU institutions facilitated subnational actors in monitoring the SDGs by providing methodological assistance. However, local and regional governments face structural problems that may hinder the process of localizing SDGs. Therefore, they need specific capacity‐building competencies. This is a challenge for the EU in the future.

Recenzja

The national parliament is crucial institution in a contemporary European states, which guarantees a legitimacy of a power and regime. At the same time, the effectiveness of a parliament is one of the most important hallmark of a democratic political system. The democratic legitimacy, which comes from a national parliament is one of the sphere of the national system of implementing European policy. The author, using the system approach in European studies research, analyze the evolution of the role and functions of the Polish Sejm and Senate in the pre‑accession period, i.e. before the year 2004. The role of Polish parliament is analyzed through the two research perspectives – historical and functional. In this way it is clearly observed a growing role of the Sejm and Senate in the relations with other political institutions within a national system of implementing European policy.

This article concerns the evaluation of the Polish, Danish and Cypriot presidencies in the field of the European Union enlargement policy. In order to assess an effectiveness of both countries he uses a project assessment perspective, which theoretical model was initially developed in the book Skuteczność polskiej prezydencji w Unii Europejskiej (trans.: The effectiveness of the Polish presidency in the European Union). A thesis standing behind this approach says that after the treaty of Lisbon has come into force, and has changed crucial functions of each presidency, we can't any more consider a country chairing the Council neither as honest broker nor as representative of own national interests. A project assessment perspective delivers more adequate categories based on project management theory and practice. In the empirical part of the study the author focuses on the effects of Polish, Danish and Cypriot activities in the field of relations with six candidate countries since 1 July 2011 till 31 December 2012.

Recenzja

Main argument raised against EU early warning mechanism is its low utility. Yellow card procedure has been launched three times so far, whereas orange card procedure not even once. This indicates that the potential of political instrument which is early-warning mechanism is not fully explored. Nonetheless after seven years since the Lisbon Treaty came into force we can collect enough data in order to asses not only the mechanism itself but also the influence of this instrument on the national parliament scrutiny and engagement in the EU affairs. The aim of this article is: to research how the Sejm and Senate use the early warning mechanism, describe what is its impact on general competences of the Polish parliament regarding subsidiarity control and to confront this assessment with the activity of other national parliaments. Thus, the author will propose the
set of indicators according to which will be possible to evaluate the activity and eventually the
effectiveness of national parliaments while using the early warning mechanism. There will be also
presented the results of the empirical study measuring the activity of Sejm and Senate in mentioned
area in the years 2010-2016.

Zaangażowanie parlamentów państw członkowskich w dyskusję nad problemem nielegalnej migracji do UE przybrało na sile w latach 2015 i 2016. Artykuł omawia uprawnienia przysługujące parlamentom na mocy traktatu lizbońskiego, pozwalające im wpływać na procesy polityczne w UE, w szczególności w ramach polityki migracyjnej, azylowej i kontroli granic. Następnie przedstawiono aktywność parlamentów w latach 2015-2017 wobec propozycji legislacyjnych KE dotyczących mechanizmu relokacji i przesiedleń oraz reformy wspólnego europejskiego systemu azylowego. Uzyskane wnioski pozwalają stwierdzić, że najczęściej używanymi przez parlamenty instrumentami była współpraca międzyparlamentarna, kontrola przestrzegania zasady pomocniczości oraz dialog polityczny. Ze względu na brak niezbędnych aktów wykonawczych pozwalających prowadzić kontrolę działań Europolu, parlamenty w latach 2015-2017 nie wykorzystywały w ogóle spotkań grupy ds. wspólnej kontroli parlamentarnej w ramach przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości. Jednocześnie można było zauważyć, że parlamenty narodowe państw negatywnie ustosunkowanych do przyjmowania imigrantów, czyli przede wszystkim państw z Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, były bardziej aktywne na forum UE niż parlamenty państw pozytywnie nastawionych do migrantów.

The Functioning of the Early Warning System in the Years 2010‑2016 and Prospects for Its ReformDuring the Convention on the future of Europe and subsequent intergovernmental conferences in 2003‑2004 and 2007, high hopes were associated with the Early Warning System (EWS) in subsidiarity control procedures. Today, the main complaint formulated against EWS is its low efficiency, and at least its unused potential. Three executions of the yellow card procedure and the failure to run the orange card procedure seems to confirm the complaint. The results of institutional and statistical research presented in the article confirm that EWS instruments, such as reasoned opinions and the mechanisms of yellow and orange cards lose their attractiveness over more flexible instruments such as political dialogue with the European Commission and the so called contribution tool within the relation with the European Parliament. The reason for this is the difficulty in obtaining the required number of votes by national parliaments, but also the lack of uniform criteria for examining the principle of subsidiarity within national legislatures. The article also presents current debate on improving the EWS mechanism and introducing new procedures such as the "green card".

Zaangażowanie parlamentów państw członkowskich w dyskusję nad problemem nielegalnej migracji do UE przybrało na sile w latach 2015 i 2016. Artykuł omawia uprawnienia przysługujące parlamentom na mocy traktatu lizbońskiego, pozwalające im wpływać na procesy polityczne w UE, w szczególności w ramach polityki migracyjnej, azylowej i kontroli granic. Następnie przedstawiono aktywność parlamentów w latach 2015-2017 wobec propozycji legislacyjnych KE dotyczących mechanizmu relokacji i przesiedleń oraz reformy wspólnego europejskiego systemu azylowego. Uzyskane wnioski pozwalają stwierdzić, że najczęściej używanymi przez parlamenty instrumentami była współpraca międzyparlamentarna, kontrola przestrzegania zasady pomocniczości oraz dialog polityczny. Ze względu na brak niezbędnych aktów wykonawczych pozwalających prowadzić kontrolę działań Europolu, parlamenty w latach 2015-2017 nie wykorzystywały w ogóle spotkań grupy ds. wspólnej kontroli parlamentarnej w ramach przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości. Jednocześnie można było zauważyć, że parlamenty narodowe państw negatywnie ustosunkowanych do przyjmowania imigrantów, czyli przede wszystkim państw z Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, były bardziej aktywne na forum UE niż parlamenty państw pozytywnie nastawionych do migrantów. ; Involvement of Member States' parliaments in the debate on the problem of illegal migration to the EU has intensified in 2015 and 2016. The article discusses the powers of parliaments under the Treaty of Lisbon, allowing them to influence political processes in the migration, asylum and borders control policies in the EU. Article presents also the activities of parliaments in the years 2015-2017 regarding the legislative proposals on mechanism of relocation and resettlement and the reform of the Common European Asylum System. The results show that the instruments most frequently used by parliaments were: interparliamentary cooperation, control of compliance with the principle of subsidiarity and political dialogue. Due to the lack of necessary executive acts to control Europol's activities, in 2015-2017 parliaments did not use the meetings of the Europol Joint Parliamentary Scrutiny Group in the area of freedom, security and justice. At the same time, it could be noted that the national parliaments of the Member States that opposed the admission of immigrants (mainly from Central and Eastern Europe) were more active in the EU than the parliaments of states with positive attitude towards relocation and resettlements program.

Zaangażowanie parlamentów państw członkowskich w dyskusję nad problemem nielegalnej migracji do UE przybrało na sile w latach 2015 i 2016. Artykuł omawia uprawnienia przysługujące parlamentom na mocy traktatu lizbońskiego, pozwalające im wpływać na procesy polityczne w UE, w szczególności w ramach polityki migracyjnej, azylowej i kontroli granic. Następnie przedstawiono aktywność parlamentów w latach 2015–2017 wobec propozycji legislacyjnych KE dotyczących mechanizmu relokacji i przesiedleń oraz reformy wspólnego europejskiego systemu azylowego. Uzyskane wnioski pozwalają stwierdzić, że najczęściej używanymi przez parlamenty instrumentami była współpraca międzyparlamentarna, kontrola przestrzegania zasady pomocniczości oraz dialog polityczny. Ze względu na brak niezbędnych aktów wykonawczych pozwalających prowadzić kontrolę działań Europolu, parlamenty w latach 2015–2017 nie wykorzystywały w ogóle spotkań grupy ds. wspólnej kontroli parlamentarnej w ramach przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości. Jednocześnie można było zauważyć, że parlamenty narodowe państw negatywnie ustosunkowanych do przyjmowania imigrantów, czyli przede wszystkim państw z Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, były bardziej aktywne na forum UE niż parlamenty państw pozytywnie nastawionych do migrantów. ; Involvement of Member States' parliaments in the debate on the problem of illegal migration to the EU has intensified in 2015 and 2016. The article discusses the powers of parliaments under the Treaty of Lisbon, allowing them to influence political processes in the migration, asylum and borders control policies in the EU. Article presents also the activities of parliaments in the years 2015–2017 regarding the legislative proposals on mechanism of relocation and resettlement and the reform of the Common European Asylum System. The results show that the instruments most frequently used by parliaments were: interparliamentary cooperation, control of compliance with the principle of subsidiarity and political dialogue. Due to the lack of necessary executive acts to control Europol's activities, in 2015–2017 parliaments did not use the meetings of the Europol Joint Parliamentary Scrutiny Group in the area of freedom, security and justice. At the same time, it could be noted that the national parliaments of the Member States that opposed the admission of immigrants (mainly from Central and Eastern Europe) were more active in the EU than the parliaments of states with positive attitude towards relocation and resettlements program.

Abstract
Although Poland's energy mix is becoming 'greener' each year, the coun‑ try's energy production is still dominated by coal. This affects several important spheres: financial, socioeconomic and political. Therefore, the aim of the article is to explain Poland's response to adaptational pressure stemming from the European Green Deal (EGD) by reconstructing discursive strategies related to the topics of decarbonisa‑ tion and green transformation. We perceive the EGD as a regulatory initiative, whose purpose is to incorporate formal rules and European norms in the domestic discourse and public policies. In order to induce such a change, the European Commission influ‑ ences the 'utility calculations' used by member states. However, at the same time, some member states need to deal with problems caused by misfits between their energy sector's capabilities and expectations of the EGD. In Poland's case, the significant fields of misfits refer to national emission targets, obligations resulting from the EU Emis‑ sion Trading System and the Fit for 55 reform package. Using discourse analysis, we have reconstructed a governmental narrative on the transformation based on elec‑ tion manifestos, selected ministerial documents and social media posts from the years 2019–2021. As the government aims to present itself as defenders of Polish national interests, climate‑related policies are seen as a threat. There is a clear focus on energy sovereignty and security issues, while challenges related to global warming are absent from the political communication. As the situation at the Belarussian border developed and the danger connected with Russian politics became clearer, the concept of being a defender acquired more meanings.

THE MODEL OF SUBJECTIVE DEVELOPMENT OF CITIES: POLITICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS
The development policy of the cities is analyzed and studied mainly with the help of concepts typical of geography, spatial economy and sociology. The article proposes to look at this issue through the prism of political science. The epistemology of the concept of political subjectivity, the theory of rational choice, the new institutionalism and system analysis will be used. Based on the conclusions from the theoretical part, the authors distinguish four criteria for the political analysis of the position of cities in Poland. They are: the criterion of resources and interests, the criterion of efficiency, the criterion of relations, and the criterion of coordination. Those criteria relate to, i.a. activities of political authorities in relation to cities, the influence they have on implementation of functions assigned to them, as well as the way in which the role of cities in the state's political system changes. Based on the analysis of the four criteria, it is possible to determine whether cities are to a greater extent subjects or objects of activities of the central center of political power in the state. Using a schematic matrix of city development models proposed by the author, it is then possible to determine whether, in political terms, we are dealing with a subjective development of cities in Poland.

This article aims to investigate the institutional and economical resilience of Polish cities with poviat rights to COVID-19 between spring 2020 and autumn 2020. Institutional resilience was researched using surveys among crisis management units and economic resilience with K-means clustering method and stepwise regression. Cities demonstrated a large recovery potential in the areas which lay directly under their supervision. Problems arose in the areas coordinated by central government, i.e. access to respirators, or hospital beds. The size of the city and large number of medium-sized companies were the factors of city's immunity. Tourist cities turned out to be less resilient.