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Abstract
In this article, we discuss two different directions about the Georgian nationalism of the 19th century: first we consider, thetrinity of language, homeland, faith – maybe one of the best classical formulations of nationalist project. And second, in the process of creation of the nation, in the course of research of the Georgian nation-building of that period, we can not avoid the role of printed media. Georgian intellectuals published their opinions on general internal problems or foreign policy processes and all the most important ideas expressed by them were widespread by the printed media. Under strict censorship, discussing foreign policy processes was an indirect way to disclose the attitudes of Georgian intellectuals to the building Georgian nation, restoration of state, territorial integrity and independence, as well as to the colonial politics in generall.
"Let's be self-sufficient" is a phrase best describing the main purpose of Georgian intellectuals. However, it is noteworthy that the creators of that time Georgian nationalismprimarily sought to gain autonomy within the Russian Empire, while full political independence was due to the reality a far and difficult goal. Generally, Georgian nationalism developed during that period was clearly mild and was far from ethno-cultural discrimination that is o"en characteristic for nationalism.

During 25 years of independence, because of different objective and subjective reasons, independent Georgian State could not fully get over the problems concerning ethnic minorities (despite the fact that in this direction after Rose Revolution of 2003 the situation was positively changed and several steps were made) We can single out still actual several main issues concerning ethnic minorities and their integration process.Among non-ethnic Georgians, especially in the compactly populated regions the level of knowledge of Georgian language is still very low.In the country the level of unemployment is quite high and ethnic minorities are no exception too. In non-urban space the level of unemployment is higher than in urban space. As a result, Georgian population has less possibility to interact with ethnic minorities in the public sphere. Cultural and informational alliance.The level of civic alienation is quite high too.Weak civic institutionalized space doesn't help the collaboration of ethnic groups and appropriate articulation of private interest. Until recently Georgian political establishment was very cautious with the ethnic politics and indecision in this regard was also quite often. Despite the individual projects and efforts carried out in recent years, it is still difficult to say that the Georgian government has consistent and effective policies in order to overcome problems caused by its ethno-religious multi-membership. Although in this sense recently there are some positive trends but the given efforts have still fragmented character and they can't be called well-formed reflexive and coherent policy that in the near future will bring rapid and effective changes in terms of civic integration. As we think among the strategies of ethnic approchmant the most optimal way for Georgia is the strategy of integration. The state can develop this strategy by several ways. Creation of stable democratic environment and institutional development.Strengthening of local self – government, what'll promote the ...

In the process of ensuring successful and full integration, one of the main obstacles is the lack of knowledge of the state language by ethnic minorities. Despite the fact that Georgia has achieved some success in building a democratic state, democratic institutions are still weak in the country. Having weak democratic institutions makes it very difficult to transform diverse religious and ethnic groups into one civil unit. A lack of trust towards political institutions on the one hand, and the weakness of these institutions on the other, leads to the mutual alienation and isolation of different segments of society. The Georgian government, unlike the Baltic States and Ukraine, by way of teaching Georgian to its minorities, set increasing their civic integration and activity in civic spaces as a goal. How successful the steps taken in this regard were is another question. ; W procesie zapewniania pełnej integracji mniejszości narodowych w państwie, jedną z najczęściej wymienianych przeszkód jest brak znajomości języka państwowego przez owe mniejszości. Pomimo faktu, że Gruzja osiągnęła pewien sukces w budowaniu demokracji, instytucje państwowe są wciąż słabe, co z kolei przekłada się na trudności w procesie integrowania różnych grup religijnych i etnicznych z państwem. Brak zaufania do instytucji politycznych z jednej strony i słabość tych instytucji z drugiej, prowadzi do wzajemnego wyobcowania i izolacji różnych grup społecznych. Rząd gruziński, w przeciwieństwie do krajów bałtyckich i Ukrainy, zbliżając Gruzinów do tamtejszych grup mniejszościowych, postanowił zwiększyć ich udział i aktywność w przestrzeni obywatelskiej.

In the process of ensuring successful and full integration, one of the main obstacles is the lack of knowledge of the state language by ethnic minorities. Despite the fact that Georgia has achieved some success in building a democratic state, democratic institutions are still weak in the country. Having weak democratic institutions makes it very difficult to transform diverse religious and ethnic groups into one civil unit. A lack of trust towards political institutions on the one hand, and the weakness of these institutions on the other, leads to the mutual alienation and isolation of different segments of society. The Georgian government, unlike the Baltic States and Ukraine, by way of teaching Georgian to its minorities, set increasing their civic integration and activity in civic spaces as a goal. How successful the steps taken in this regard were is another question. ; W procesie zapewniania pełnej integracji mniejszości narodowych w państwie, jedną z najczęściej wymienianych przeszkód jest brak znajomości języka państwowego przez owe mniejszości. Pomimo faktu, że Gruzja osiągnęła pewien sukces w budowaniu demokracji, instytucje państwowe są wciąż słabe, co z kolei przekłada się na trudności w procesie integrowania różnych grup religijnych i etnicznych z państwem. Brak zaufania do instytucji politycznych z jednej strony i słabość tych instytucji z drugiej, prowadzi do wzajemnego wyobcowania i izolacji różnych grup społecznych. Rząd gruziński, w przeciwieństwie do krajów bałtyckich i Ukrainy, zbliżając Gruzinów do tamtejszych grup mniejszościowych, postanowią zwiększyć ich udział i aktywność w przestrzeni obywatelskiej.

Georgia has always been, and remains, part of the Christian Orthodox world, which means that the use of religion as a political instrument should not shock anyone. Indeed, in the context of the struggling economy, the civil institutions are unable to inculcate democratic consciousness, without which a single civil expanse is impossible. The Church, sporadically aided by political actors, has shouldered the responsibility for performing at least some of the functions of these institutions. In recent years, the Church's stronger role in the country's political, social, and spiritual life has been reflected in the results of the elections at the local and national levels. The religious factor is rapidly gathering political hues, a fact clearly demonstrated by the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2008. Below I shall rely on the returns of the March 2008 sociological poll to identify the extent to which the religious factors affected the election results and the role of the Georgian Orthodox Church in the country's social life. My conclusions are based on scrupulous analysis of the poll's results.

Nowadays, deep cooperation between universities, research centres, and industry is seen as a stimulus for economic growth. Yet, it is still unclear how the knowledge commercialization process works in the countries with an experience of the highly centralized economy and education. Tbilisi State University is seen as the optimistic catalyst for further commercialization, mainly due to its international ties, though the issue of social science knowledge commercialization is still mostly neglected. In our research, the case of the oldest, the largest, and the most internationalized university in Georgia is analyzed. The comprehensive study aims to determine the macro and micro factors that make knowledge commercialization in social sciences successful or a failure. Results show that some university society representatives believe commercialization is mainly based on natural and exact sciences. In contrast, others claim that human development contribution is the most significant knowledge transfer that can be done.

Abstract
Unlike some European countries, the involvement of radical right-wing forces in Georgian politics and the support of a certain part of the society for them is a relatively new phenomenon in Georgia's politics. This has resulted in a growing interest in the study of the topic among Georgian academic circles. However, the defining and applying the concepts of radicalism and extremism regarding Georgian right-wing forces are different. By comparing the major approaches to the concepts of right-wing radicalism and extremism this paper aims to critically review and analyze perceptions from Georgian academia.

Social movement and social changes study is relatively new academic field in post Soviet Georgia. We chose "No to Khudoni Hydropower Plant!" – Social Movement case study for several reasons. On one hand, Khudoni PHH falls under the category of gigantic hydropower plants in Georgia and planned to be built in Svaneti, the region with special local natural and climate conditions; On another hand Khudoni HPP is one of the fewest continuous active and inclusive movements in Georgia that has been progressing throughout years (from 1979) with participation of various actors from public and political communities. Within the research we rely on the theory of structural functionalism that attempts to explain that movements are formed not by actors, but are conditioned by social and political situation. As the result of the process of "Perestroika" and "Glasnost", political, cultural, economic and social changes were underlaid to civic activism. The research aims to determine:Why the issue of Khudoni grew into a social movement;What is the degree of participation of different actors; who determines directionality of the process and how these actors communicate?Analyzing the issue it became evident that the arguments of the proponents of Khudoni HPP are about the prospective economic benefits of the project, while the arguments of the opponents of Khudoni construction is rather broad and entail not just environmental but social, cultural and ethno-linguistic arguments as well.

This article examines the movement "No to Khudoni Hydropower Plant", as an example of the longest and continuous civic movement in Georgia. Within the theoretical framework of structural functionalism, it claims that structural changes happening in Georgia's political system during the last 30 years have caused this movement. The opening of an "window of possibilities" during Perestroika and Glasnost made it possible to start the discussion on the sustainability of the project, which later caused the updating of the project and then, structural changes in 2003, and the strengthening of the civil society made it possible to resume this social movement. This paper aims to analyze the various actors, which are involved in the discussions as opponents or proponents of the Khudoni HPP construction and their arguments are the same despite of the period of 30 years; government and investors are the main proponents of the construction while the academia and civil society are opposing it through various types of strategies. The data collected in the field research allows this article to show how the resistance has managed to survive for more than three decades; what are the arguments of a great number of agents involved with the resistance movement and how its resources are amassed and followers recruited and what makes the movement so unique.

The paper focuses on studying the liberal-democratic values in the general education of Georgia. Based on the social interaction approach of political socialization, the article assesses pupils' and teachers' positions towards the liberal and democratic principles and values that have been declared policy goals of Georgia since 2004. Using DAP (Democracy-Autocracy Preference), DPE (Democratic Performance Evolution), and initially tested Lib-Dem (Liberal-Democratic) scales, 297 students and 121 teachers were surveyed. Results show that teachers demonstrate more liberal-democratic positions than pupils. Also, girls tend to be less supportive of authoritarian governments and share more liberal approaches than boys. A similar trend is observed comparing students from private and public schools. The type of school correlates to teachers' results in supporting liberal and democratic positions. However, the more liberal-democratic positions the respondents share, the more likely they believe that "Georgian" and "Liberal" are incompatible. Also, respondents who see Georgia as a democratic country and are more proud to be members of Georgian society share less liberal and democratic principles and vice versa. The study shows how liberal and democratic declared and policy ideas are supported among respondents and what it means to Georgia and its education system. Based on the results and discussion, new research questions are articulated dealing with gender, the generation gap, and the importance of the type of school that needs to be examined more carefully using the social interaction approach and qualitative methods and techniques, as well.

The article is dedicated to analyse the politics of so called "historical memory" during the state-building and nation-building process in post-socialist Georgia After the Rose Revolution 2003, the new government that aimed at building the "new Georgia," implementing radical changes in many key spheres, including institutions, readdressing the totalitarian past, faced number of problematic manifestations in political and cultural life in this post-Soviet country. The "politics of memory" became one of the key factors of reconstructing of "new, democratic, western Georgia". This process can be evaluated as leading toward state nationalism. Analyzing the politics of memory, symbolism is the most notable attitude and that is why former President Mikheil Saakashvili used commemorative ceremonies continuously. The authors argue in favour of approach, that the so called "memory politics" is the integral part of one's legitimacy building, but at the same time, it can be used as tool for reconsidering of Polity's future and mobilization of population under the "citizenship" umbrella towards the strong loyalty to the actual and future state-building.

After gaining its independence in 1991, Georgia faced significant challenges on all levels like all other post-communist countries. Therefore, against this background, care for urban historical and cultural heritage, and ecological health was less visible on the agenda. As a result of the Rose Revolution of 2003, various reforms were carried out. After strengthening state institutions, the re-urbanization of cities was gradually included on the agenda. At the same time, growing urbanization resulted in an acute shortage of green space and an uprising of the urban grassroots movements in Georgia. We have selected three cases of urban movement developed in Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia. "Save Gudiashvili Square," "Defend Vake Park,"and "No to Panorama Tbilisi!". Even though these cases occurred almost simultaneously, and the activists involved were quite the same, their achievements are different. The presented research attempts to determine the challenges that arose during the formation of the urban movement agenda and study the activism strategy and how it influenced the results of the movements. By triangulation of multiple methods – analyzing primary and secondary sources and interviews of involved actors –, we argue that the strategy of the movements played an important role, while not crucial, with regard to the studied civic activism.