Suchergebnisse

"No Path Home is an extremely interesting, engaging, and well-written book. Elizabeth Cullen Dunn's fluid and clear prose paints a very evocative picture of life for internally displaced persons as well as presenting a clear theoretical account."—Laura Hammond, SOAS University of London, author of This Place Will Become HomeFor more than 60 million displaced people around the world, humanitarian aid has become a chronic condition. No Path Home describes its symptoms in detail. Elizabeth Cullen Dunn shows how war creates a deeply damaged world in which the structures that allow people to occupy social roles, constitute economic value, preserve bodily integrity, and engage in meaningful daily practice have been blown apart. After the Georgian war with Russia in 2008, Dunn spent sixteen months immersed in the everyday lives of the 28,000 people placed in thirty-six resettlement camps by official and nongovernmental organizations acting in concert with the Georgian government. She reached the conclusion that the humanitarian condition poses a survival problem that is not only biological but also existential. In No Path Home, she paints a moving picture of the ways in which humanitarianism leaves displaced people in limbo, neither in a state of emergency nor able to act as normal citizens in the country where they reside

"No Path Home is an extremely interesting, engaging, and well-written book. Elizabeth Cullen Dunn's fluid and clear prose paints a very evocative picture of life for internally displaced persons as well as presenting a clear theoretical account."—Laura Hammond, SOAS University of London, author of This Place Will Become HomeFor more than 60 million displaced people around the world, humanitarian aid has become a chronic condition. No Path Home describes its symptoms in detail. Elizabeth Cullen Dunn shows how war creates a deeply damaged world in which the structures that allow people to occupy social roles, constitute economic value, preserve bodily integrity, and engage in meaningful daily practice have been blown apart. After the Georgian war with Russia in 2008, Dunn spent sixteen months immersed in the everyday lives of the 28,000 people placed in thirty-six resettlement camps by official and nongovernmental organizations acting in concert with the Georgian government. She reached the conclusion that the humanitarian condition poses a survival problem that is not only biological but also existential. In No Path Home, she paints a moving picture of the ways in which humanitarianism leaves displaced people in limbo, neither in a state of emergency nor able to act as normal citizens in the country where they reside.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1. The Road to Capitalism -- 2. Accountability, Corruption, and the Privatization of Alima -- 3. Niche Marketing and the Production of Flexible Bodies -- 4. Quality Control, Discipline, and the Remaking of Persons -- 5. Ideas of Kin and Home on the Shop Floor -- 6. Power and Postsocialism -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

After the 2008 war with Russia, many internally displaced people (IDPs) in the Republic of Georgia complained that they had nothing, despite the fact that international donors gave more than $450 million in humanitarian aid. What was nothing? How was it related to forced migration? Why did humanitarianism continually focus the IDPs' attention on what they had lost rather than the help they had been given? In this article, I use the work of existentialist philosopher Alain Badiou to argue that humanitarianism creates four forms of absence: anti-artifacts, black holes, imaginary numbers, and absolute zero. These forms of nothingness force displaced people into having nothing, doing nothing, and being nothing, which in turn prevents them from reassembling the fragments of their previous lives into meaningful forms of existence in the present.

SUMMARY: In 2005 a several-week-long riot across multiple prison colonies in Kyrgyzstan culminated in a bloody standoff between a parliamentary delegation and the mafia syndicate known as the vory v zakone (thieves-in-law). With roots in the social upheaval of imperial Russia and gaining organizational strength and notoriety in the Soviet gulags, the vory control many aspects of prison life in Kyrgyzstan (and elsewhere in former Soviet countries), as well as the drug and weapons trades. Operating with their own legal code (the Understandings), their own justice system ( skhodki ) and their own taxation and redistribution system ( obshchak ), the vory operate very much like a parallel state in Kyrgyzstan. Drawing on legal geography and understandings of state power as performance, this article investigates the multiple sovereignties and forms of spatial power that are embodied in the blurred lines between law and criminality, state and mafia. We argue that the power of the vory rests not on their takeover of state structures – that is, not just on being thieves of the law – but on producing new spaces that make them thieves within the state's law. The vory and the state are not opposed to one another, but rather co-constitute one another through the performance of governance and the establishment of multiple legal spaces. 2005 год ознаменовался длившимися несколько недель беспорядка-ми во многих исправительных колониях Кыргызстана. Они достигли своей кульминации в кровопролитном столкновении парламентской делегации и мафиозного синдиката – воров в законе. Институт воров в законе зародился в ходе социальных катаклизмов имперского пери-ода и организационно укрепился в советском ГУЛАГе. Воры в законе контролируют многие аспекты тюремной жизни в Кыргызстане (как и в других странах бывшего СССР), а также торговлю наркотиками и оружием. Они живут по своим законам – по понятиям, имеют соб-ственную систему "правосудия" – сходки, систему сбора налогов и перераспредения доходов – общак. Таким образом, в Кыргызстане они представляют параллельную государству структуру. Настоящее иссле-дование развивает подходы юридической географии и перфомативную трактовку государства. В нем рассматриваются множественные формы суверенитета и пространственной власти, возникающие благодаря нечеткости разделения между законом и криминальностью, государством и мафией. Авторы показывают, что власть воров в законе основывается не на захвате государственных структур, т.е. не на воровстве закона, а на производстве новых социальных пространств, превращающих их в воров внутри государственного закона. Воры и государство не противо-поставлены друг другу, но, скорее, взаимно конституируют друг друга посредством перформативного управления и создания множественных пространств легальности.