Suchergebnisse

Depuis son émergence, le féminisme génère régulièrement de « nouvelles masculinités », en réaction ou en adhésion. Pour autant, les réflexes perdurent même chez les hommes les plus sensibilisés.

This text presents the results of the first research conducted on "green" actions and strikes for climate in high schools across Québec, a Canadian province that witnessed in 2019 the larger street protests of the international youth movement. Based on 20 semistructured interviews with students from 12 high schools, letters from school principals addressed to parents, and research in the media, this text reaffirms that schools are a place of political conflicts and struggles not only between students and adults but also between students in opposite currents of the movement. It is also a reminder of the involvement of young people in autonomous direct action groups (Extinction Rebellion). The discussion then focuses on potential implications of the movement for future elections, the legitimacy of these collective actions in relation to the philosophical debate about civil disobedience (John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Manuel Cerveza-Marzal, and Alan Carter), and the hope for a renewal of the student movement in Québec in the face of a disaster of unprecedented scale.

As pessoas têm a capacidade política de se autogovernarem, ou elas precisam ser governadas pela elite para "o bem comum"? Para o esclarecimento dessa questão, apresento dois conceitos: ágorafobia política e ágorafilia política. Começo, brevemente, explicando a tensão entre duas atitudes para as pessoas: o amor e o medo. Então, defini sistematicamente os argumentos e os contra-argumentos dos dois lados da controvérsia. O debate parece acabar em um impasse retórico, dado que tanto o povo quanto a elite podem ser vistos como irracionais, vulneráveis à demagogia e aos facciosos. Deixo claro, portanto, que a principal intenção não é demonstrar se as pessoas são confiáveis ou não no que diz respeito às suas capacidades políticas. Ao contrário, busco o reconhecimento de que esse debate contém uma luta política fundamental entre o desejo de dominação e o desejo de liberdade igualitária, assim como a disposição de distinguir o significado filosófico das experiências políticas democráticas e populares.

Le populisme est souvent associé à la revalorisation de la démocratie et même du pouvoir du peuple par des aspirants chefs charismatiques qui prétendent libérer ce peuple du contrôle d'une élite. Or, un retour dans l'histoire des États-Unis révèle qu'Andrew Jackson est non seulement le premier président populiste, mais aussi le premier à s'être prétendu « démocrate » et à avoir associé les élections à la démocratie. La discussion propose de rappeler l'histoire de l'émergence des rhétoriques populiste et démocratique, dans le cadre de luttes électorales pour le pouvoir, et suggère que les forces progressistes ne devraient pas tant développer un « populisme de gauche » que revenir au sens originel du mot « démocratie », à savoir le pouvoir directement exercé du peuple, par le peuple, pour le peuple. C'est ce que proposent d'ailleurs des mouvements sociaux contemporains, qui pratiquent les assemblées délibératives à l'agora. ; Populism is often associated with the revalorization of the democracy and even of people power by aspiring and charismatic leaders that purport to free these people from elite control. And yet, to return to this aspect of United States history reveals that Andrew Jackson is not only the first populist president, but also the first "democrat" to associate the elections with democracy. The discussion historically retraces the emergence of populist and democratic rhetoric within the context of electoral struggles for power, and suggests that progressive forces need not necessarily develop a "leftist populism" rather than return to the original meaning of the word "democracy," that is, the direct power exerted on the people, by the people, for the people. This is what is otherwise proposed by contemporary social movements practicing public deliberative assemblies.

Do the people have the political capacity to rule themselves, or do they need to be ruled by an elite for 'the common good'? In order to clarify this question, I introduce two concepts: political agoraphobia and political agoraphilia. I begin by briefly explaining the tension between two attitudes toward the people: love and fear. I then systematically set out the arguments and counter-arguments on both sides of the controversy. The debate seems to end up in a rhetorical deadlock, since both the people and the elite may be seen as irrational, vulnerable to demagoguery, and factious. I therefore suggest that what is mainly at stake is not to demonstrate whether the people are to be trusted or not with regard to their political capacities. What is at stake, rather, is the recognition that this debate subsumes a fundamental political struggle between the desire for domination and the desire for egalitarian freedom, as well as the willingness to acknowledge the philosophical significance of democratic and popular political experiences.

Andrea Ritchie est une immigrante noire et lesbienne dont l'engagement, la recherche et les écrits portent sur le contrôle policier des femmes et des personnes LGBT noires et de couleur depuis deux décennies. Elle est présentement chercheuse en résidence au Barnard Center for Research on Women , travaillant sur l'axe Criminalisation, race, genre et sexualité, et elle a été boursière senior en 2014 du fonds Soros Justice . Elle a récemment publié le livre Invisible No More : Police Violence Against Black Women and Women of Color (Beacon Press, 2017). Elle est la co-auteure de deux autres livres, Say Her Name : Resisting Police Brutality Against Black Women (2016) et Queer (In)Justice : The Criminalization of LGBT People in the United States (2011). Née à Montréal, elle a vécu et milité à Toronto pendant huit ans dans les années 1990. Elle réside aujourd'hui entre Chicago, Brooklyn et New York.