Suchergebnisse

This edited volume explores a topic that is generally under-investigated inside the broader field of research on populism, namely its communicative aspects. The book originates from a research project funded by the European Cooperation in Scientific and Technology (COST), and includes examinations of 24 European countries, by focusing on three thematic areas: populist actors as communicators, the media and populism, and citizens and populism.

This volume investigates the public opinion of the EU in the context of the present economic crisis and other significant challenges currently faced by the Union, the latest being the refugee crisis. Scholarly knowledge in the field of EU attitudes in general and Euroscepticism in particular is thoroughly documented here, and is followed by an analysis of public perceptions of the EU's crisis management capabilities, proving that the EU's legitimacy and effectiveness are currently being challenged to the highest degree.The research-based contribution of this book is two-fold, focusing on EU attitudes at a macro-level on one hand, and the opinions of Romanian experts on the other. It provides insights into attitudes towards the EU in Central and Eastern Europe, a region which is still somewhat underexplored by social sciences scholars, and in Romania in particular. On a larger scale, significant differences between clusters of states are identified, suggesting that not even increasing Euroscepticism manages to create a common frame of reference for all Europeans regarding EU-related issues. In terms of Romanian expert opinion, the book provides evidence for a gradual evolution from highly symbolic and sometimes even triumphalist representations of the EU towards mildly critical positions, based on instrumental perceptions. Such changes mark a new stage of Europeanization, in which the EU's presence has become ordinary. For the Eastern European elite, increased familiarity with the EU accommodates demitization and criticism without denouncing European integration as a doomed project

This book focuses on current trends in development, arguing that the digital revolution will shape todays race for global supremacy. The volume explores how the technological race, driven by AI advances, will decisively contribute to shaping a new world order. Every leap in technological advancement changes the rules of the game and initiate new cycles of economic growth. The main argument of the authors is that these changes are particularly intense in Eurasia, the main geopolitical hotspot at the moment. Starting from recent statistical data, the authors underline this new ascent of the Asian continent - a shift that can be best described as a historical change of relay not between two countries, but between two continents. Lastly, the volume discusses the consequences of these shifts in power and influence, by reflecting on the possible new world order to follow. Effectively providing an overview of the challenges that will decisively shape future geopolitical relations, this volume will be of use to researchers and students interested in globalization studies, international relations, geopolitics, and development. .

The COVID-19 pandemic is unprecedented in terms of its quasi-simultaneous global reach and its multilayered character (medical, economic, political, geopolitical and social). It is also unprecedented because it is the first pandemic of the digital age, thus offering an accelerated version of the digital eco-system: interconnectedness across countries, regions, and even continents; globalization/ trans-nationalization of the national/ local communication spaces coupled by the circulation of global polluted narratives which are strikingly similar in terms of content in spite of their appearance of being tailored, even "extremely personalized" to fit local characteristics; and the preeminence of digital platforms within the communication ecosystem, including the semi-private or downright private ones such as WhatsApp or Facebook private messaging applications. Out of these emerging features, we will focus our analysis on the last interconnected two: globalization of seemingly local narratives and the emergence of the WhatsApp or Facebook private instant messaging applications as prominent transmission/ contagion means. We will do so by carrying an in-depth case study of Romania, which may offer an insight into more generalizable trends.

<p>Euroscepticism is explicitly or implicitly considered a product of the crisis, a result of Europe's recent difficult moments. The secondary data analysis of official Eurobarometer results between 2009 (EB71) and the end of 2013 (the latest data available – EB80) in 17 member states, grouped around the axis North – South – East, leads us to the conclusion that Euroscepticism has amplified during the years of economic crisis following a particular pattern. We witness the rise of inequalities in a Union of equals, with significant differences in terms of public opinion in the North and in the South. The great disappointment, the gloom mood of the citizens from Greece, Cyprus, Spain, Portugal and, surprisingly, France, in contrast with the self-confident attitude of Germans and the mild enthusiasm of Eastern European countries suggest that the EU did not emerge stronger as a whole. Multiple divergences have already started to occur between the rich and the poor member states, between competitive regions and regions that lag behind, between debtors and creditors, between the North and the South and, we dare to anticipate, between the West and the East. The game is changing and Euroscepticism is now the expression of confusion and fear, more than of righteous opposition against particular issues or concerns.</p>

Illiberalism emphasizes traditional values and national sovereignty over liberal democratic ideals, which can lead to the erosion of democratic norms and institutions. Against this background, the paper investigates the relationship between illiberalism and various political and social factors in Romania, taking into account a particular context (the Russian invasion in Ukraine). Romania has experienced a rise in illiberal attitudes and the spread of populist and nationalist rhetoric, which is particularly concerning given its strategic location as a member of the European Union and NATO, and its proximity to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This study aims to investigate the associations between various attitudes, news consumption habits, and perceived exposure to misinformation, and how these factors relate to levels of illiberalism in Romanian society. Given the increasing prominence of illiberal and populist ideologies globally, a nuanced understanding of these relationships is critical. The study employs a quantitative approach, leveraging an online survey to collect data from a sample of 1000 Romanian citizens. Soft quotas were used to ensure a diverse representation across age, gender, and education levels. Data collection was carried out by Dynata, a globally recognized market research firm, between March 1–9, 2022. Our analysis, informed by multiple regression models, uncovers complex relationships between trust in institutions, attitudes towards Russia and Ukraine, news consumption habits, perceived misinformation, and demographic factors in shaping illiberal perspectives. By providing a comprehensive understanding of the contributing factors, this study aims to inform public discourse and policy-making processes on how to address illiberal tendencies in society.