Suchergebnisse

Contrary to the powerful image of ivory tower scholarship, aiming to make an impact on society has become an integral part of scholarly practices. This impact emerges through teaching, commercialization of research findings, public engagement, and advice for policy and practice. The latter role requires a solid scientific evidence base. Aligning science and policy is a well-known challenge. I describe ways in which actors ranging from individual scholars, to the organizations where they work, and macro-level players such as publishers, research funders and governments can help advance interaction and communication between the spheres of scholarship and policy. Using firsthand experience in negotiating the boundaries between research and decision making, I describe the context in which the European Commission's Group of Chief Scientific Advisors works and identify conditions which, in my personal view, make its scientific advice giving effective.

Abstract Contrary to the powerful image of ivory tower scholarship, aiming to make an impact on society has become an integral part of scholarly practices. This impact emerges through teaching, commercialization of research findings, public engagement, and advice for policy and practice. The latter role requires a solid scientific evidence base. Aligning science and policy is a well-known challenge. I describe ways in which actors ranging from individual scholars, to the organizations where they work, and macro-level players such as publishers, research funders and governments can help advance interaction and communication between the spheres of scholarship and policy. Using firsthand experience in negotiating the boundaries between research and decision making, I describe the context in which the European Commission's Group of Chief Scientific Advisors works and identify conditions which, in my personal view, make its scientific advice giving effective.

Background of the survey The release of formal restrictions on the free movement of Central and Eastern Europeans that started with the end of the Cold War and the eastward enlargement of the European Union in the 2000s have led to new migration flows in Europe. Not surprisingly, the number of surveys carried out among migrants from former communist countries has increased significantly in recent years. These surveys, however, tend to focus on topics such as migration and job history, structural and socio-cultural integration in the host country, bonds with the country of origin or family formation and intermarriage. Insofar exchanges with family members are addressed, they tend to be about remittances to and frequency of contact with "the" family in the country that stayed behind. Information about migrants from Central and Eastern Europe regarding exchanges of money, practical support, emotional support with individual family members, background information on the family of origin, espoused family obligations, and marital and parenthood histories and well-being is scarce. The FPN survey was carried out to fill that void. In absolute terms, Poles are the largest group amongst emigrants from the Central and Eastern European countries which accessed the European Union in 2004. Estimates suggest that between 2004 and 2007, at least one million people emigrated from Poland. Among the top destination countries of Poles in Europe are Great Britain, Germany and the Netherlands. In the Netherlands, the annual number of Polish migrants currently entering the country is greater than the number of traditional migrant groups (Turks, Moroccans, Antilleans and Surinamese) taken together. There are more than 160,000 Poles in the Netherlands according to Statistics Netherlands.

Combining round four data from the European Social Survey (ESS) with indicators of Active Ageing, Dykstra and Fleischmann examine conditions conducive to age integration. It uses both a behavioural and an attitudinal measure of age integration: the prevalence of cross-age friendships and low levels of ageism. The analyses focus on both "young" (age 18 to 30) and "old" (ages 70 to 90). Interestingly, high levels of independence, health and security in late life, and greater capacity to actively age rather than high levels of working, volunteering, caring and political engagement among the old create the greatest opportunities for meaningful cross-age interactions. Contrary to public belief, "productive ageing" will in and of itself not lead to greater age integration.

Our starting point is that a social psychological approach dominates the literature on interdependent or "linked" lives (Elder, 1994). We argue that interdependence is not only social-psychological, but is also structured on a macro-level. More specifically, we illustrate ways in which demographic change, such as increased co-longevity, creates different opportunities for interdependence for men and women. In addition, we draw attention to the role of national policies, distinguishing ways in which legislation mandates generational interdependence (e.g., legal obligations to provide financial support), blocks generational interdependence (e.g., grandparents not granted the right to raise grandchildren when parents cannot provide adequate care; migration laws not granting temporary visits to enable the provision of care), generates generational interdependence (e.g., daddy quota), and lightens generational interdependence (e.g., less reliance on grandparental care in Northern and Western Europe due to public support to parents of young children). We pay specific attention to childless men and women, questioning the primacy assigned to kinship ties in health care and long-term support policies. Gender receives consistent consideration throughout the paper.

Combining round four data from the European Social Survey (ESS) with indicators of Active Ageing, we examine conditions conducive to age integration. We use both a behavioural and an attitudinal measure of age integration: the prevalence of cross-age friendships and low levels of ageism. The analyses focus on both "young" (age 18 to 30) and "old" (ages 70 to 90). Interestingly, high levels of independence, health and security in late life, and greater capacity to actively age rather than high levels of working, volunteering, caring and political engagement among the old create the greatest opportunities for meaningful cross-age interactions. These findings suggest that quality of life, well-being and autonomy contribute to a general atmosphere facilitating sustained familiarity of the old with the young. Caution is advised in equating high levels of active engagement among the elderly with conditions enabling durable interactions between young and old, thereby promoting a better understanding of people of different ages. "Productive ageing" will in and of itself not lead to greater age integration.

Background of the survey The release of formal restrictions on the free movement of Central and Eastern Europeans that started with the end of the Cold War and the eastward enlargement of the European Union in the 2000s have led to new migration flows in Europe. Not surprisingly, the number of surveys carried out among migrants from former communist countries has increased significantly in recent years. These surveys, however, tend to focus on topics such as migration and job history, structural and socio-cultural integration in the host country, bonds with the country of origin or family formation and intermarriage. Insofar exchanges with family members are addressed, they tend to be about remittances to and frequency of contact with "the" family in the country that stayed behind. Information about migrants from Central and Eastern Europe regarding exchanges of money, practical support, emotional support with individual family members, background information on the family of origin, espoused family obligations, and marital and parenthood histories and well-being is scarce. The FPN survey was carried out to fill that void. In absolute terms, Poles are the largest group amongst emigrants from the Central and Eastern European countries which accessed the European Union in 2004. Estimates suggest that between 2004 and 2007, at least one million people emigrated from Poland. Among the top destination countries of Poles in Europe are Great Britain, Germany and the Netherlands. In the Netherlands, the annual number of Polish migrants currently entering the country is greater than the number of traditional migrant groups (Turks, Moroccans, Antilleans and Surinamese) taken together. There are more than 160,000 Poles in the Netherlands according to Statistics Netherlands.