Suchergebnisse

Motivation: Taxation patterns vary from country to country. The shape of the tax policy was influenced by historical conditions, as well as changes in macroeconomic conditions. An example of this is the recent crisis, during which the measures taken in the area of discretionary tax policy often proved to be a good response to the problems of the economies and facilitated a faster return to the path of growth. At the same time, during the last century, the perception of the role of taxes in economic development changed radically, moving from a legitimate tool used by the state in the development process after World War II, through treating taxes as a 'necessary evil' at the turn of the century, to an instrument conditioning the maintenance of fiscal balance.Aim: The purpose of this article is to analyze the tax policies implemented in OECD countries, indicate similarities and differences in response to global conditions and identify general trends in the reform of tax systems. The analysis covered OECD countries in 2008–2017. The study utilizes the descriptive method with elements of statistical data analysis. The article was prepared on the basis of literature studies and OECD data.Results: Economic globalization has changed the dynamics of the legislation process and influenced decision making in the field of tax policy. Although decisions are still made by state parliaments, they not only reflect the needs of the budget, but also ensure the international competitiveness of the tax system and protect against fiscal erosion. It should be remembered, however, that the tax system is defined as a social agreement of sorts, which is concluded between the government and the society. The level and structure of taxation determine the specific 'social balance' achieved between the conflicting interests represented by the two parties to the agreement. This balance should not be disturbed solely in order to cover unitary shortfalls in public revenue in a given year.

Motivation: Taxation patterns vary from country to country. The shape of the tax policy was influenced by historical conditions, as well as changes in macroeconomic conditions. An example of this is the recent crisis, during which the measures taken in the area of discretionary tax policy often proved to be a good response to the problems of the economies and facilitated a faster return to the path of growth. At the same time, during the last century, the perception of the role of taxes in economic development changed radically, moving from a legitimate tool used by the state in the development process after World War II, through treating taxes as a 'necessary evil' at the turn of the century, to an instrument conditioning the maintenance of fiscal balance.Aim: The purpose of this article is to analyze the tax policies implemented in OECD countries, indicate similarities and differences in response to global conditions and identify general trends in the reform of tax systems. The analysis covered OECD countries in 2008–2017. The study utilizes the descriptive method with elements of statistical data analysis. The article was prepared on the basis of literature studies and OECD data.Results: Economic globalization has changed the dynamics of the legislation process and influenced decision making in the field of tax policy. Although decisions are still made by state parliaments, they not only reflect the needs of the budget, but also ensure the international competitiveness of the tax system and protect against fiscal erosion. It should be remembered, however, that the tax system is defined as a social agreement of sorts, which is concluded between the government and the society. The level and structure of taxation determine the specific 'social balance' achieved between the conflicting interests represented by the two parties to the agreement. This balance should not be disturbed solely in order to cover unitary shortfalls in public revenue in a given year.

Motivation: While implementing a tax policy, attention should be paid not only to the amount of tax revenues but also to the total cost of the fiscal process itself. Only an analysis with consideration of tax collection costs provides the possibility of unequivocal assessment of a tax system's effectiveness.Aim: The aim of the article is to identify the elements of tax transaction costs and to analyze in detail the tax administrative costs, as well as to assess the effectiveness of the Polish tax system compared to that of other OECD countries.Results: The Polish tax administration is one of the most expensive in the European Union and it requires reforms. According to the OECD, tax collection costs in Poland in 2013 amounted to 1.6% of tax revenues. Among the 56 countries surveyed by the OECD, only Japan (1.74% of revenue) and Saudi Arabia (1.62%) had a higher tax collection costs index.

Motivation: While implementing a tax policy, attention should be paid not only to the amount of tax revenues but also to the total cost of the fiscal process itself. Only an analysis with consideration of tax collection costs provides the possibility of unequivocal assessment of a tax system's effectiveness.Aim: The aim of the article is to identify the elements of tax transaction costs and to analyze in detail the tax administrative costs, as well as to assess the effectiveness of the Polish tax system compared to that of other OECD countries.Results: The Polish tax administration is one of the most expensive in the European Union and it requires reforms. According to the OECD, tax collection costs in Poland in 2013 amounted to 1.6% of tax revenues. Among the 56 countries surveyed by the OECD, only Japan (1.74% of revenue) and Saudi Arabia (1.62%) had a higher tax collection costs index.

The recent economic crisis, one of the symptoms of which is a sudden increase of public debt in the majority of OECD countries, again made the government and the society aware of the necessity for conducting transparent, but also responsible fiscal policy. Creating a framework of the fiscal discipline responsible fiscal policy started to be perceived as an essential condition of effective governance leading to reduce budget deficit and public debt. The independent fiscal institutions may be included into regulations supporting public finance management. Their fundamental aim is to reduce the related risk of conducting the irresponsible fiscal policy, monitoring it, controlling deficit and assessing long-term effects of government action in this area. The purpose of this article is to present independent fiscal institutions and evaluate their usefulness in enhancing the effectiveness of the fiscal policy and stabilizing public finance. Experiences of the EU and OECD countries were used in the analysis.

The recent economic crisis, one of the symptoms of which is a sudden increase of public debt in the majority of OECD countries, again made the government and the society aware of the necessity for conducting transparent, but also responsible fiscal policy. Creating a framework of the fiscal discipline responsible fiscal policy started to be perceived as an essential condition of effective governance leading to reduce budget deficit and public debt. The independent fiscal institutions may be included into regulations supporting public finance management. Their fundamental aim is to reduce the related risk of conducting the irresponsible fiscal policy, monitoring it, controlling deficit and assessing long-term effects of government action in this area. The purpose of this article is to present independent fiscal institutions and evaluate their usefulness in enhancing the effectiveness of the fiscal policy and stabilizing public finance. Experiences of the EU and OECD countries were used in the analysis.

Motivation: VAT revenues are particularly vulnerable to economic turbulence, especially if the crisis directly affects private consumption or changes its structure. Even when consumption levels are relatively high, VAT revenues may be lower due to a shift in consumer spending to the most essential goods or services or an increase in public sector consumption. Because of the reduction in operation and the closure of many businesses, the Covid-19 crisis is likely to have an even greater impact on consumption than the previous financial crisis of 2008. Aim: The purpose of this article is to analyse VAT revenues in OECD countries over the period 2008–2020, identify general trends, and highlight similarities and differences in this regard between the 2008 financial crisis and the Covid-19 crisis. Results: Consumption taxes account for about 33% of all taxes collected in OECD countries, of which 20% is VAT. Covid-19 could change that in an important manner. After the 2008 global financial crisis, tax revenues, including VAT, returned to pre-crisis levels after an average of eight years. VAT revenues in relation to GDP peaked in 2016, and have been stable since then. Due to reduced operation and closure of businesses, the Covid-19 epidemic not only changed the structure of private consumption, but also significantly affected its level. In addition, government actions reducing certain rates have contributed to the decline in VAT revenues. As the survey results indicate, standard VAT rates between 2017 and 2020 were at record high levels, averaging 19.3%. With such high rates, in order to re-store VAT revenues after the crisis, governments may have to think about how to broaden the tax base (e.g., temporarily lower rates and stimulate consumption).

Motivation: VAT revenues are particularly vulnerable to economic turbulence, especially if the crisis directly affects private consumption or changes its structure. Even when consumption levels are relatively high, VAT revenues may be lower due to a shift in consumer spending to the most essential goods or services or an increase in public sector consumption. Because of the reduction in operation and the closure of many businesses, the Covid-19 crisis is likely to have an even greater impact on consumption than the previous financial crisis of 2008. Aim: The purpose of this article is to analyse VAT revenues in OECD countries over the period 2008–2020, identify general trends, and highlight similarities and differences in this regard between the 2008 financial crisis and the Covid-19 crisis. Results: Consumption taxes account for about 33% of all taxes collected in OECD countries, of which 20% is VAT. Covid-19 could change that in an important manner. After the 2008 global financial crisis, tax revenues, including VAT, returned to pre-crisis levels after an average of eight years. VAT revenues in relation to GDP peaked in 2016, and have been stable since then. Due to reduced operation and closure of businesses, the Covid-19 epidemic not only changed the structure of private consumption, but also significantly affected its level. In addition, government actions reducing certain rates have contributed to the decline in VAT revenues. As the survey results indicate, standard VAT rates between 2017 and 2020 were at record high levels, averaging 19.3%. With such high rates, in order to re-store VAT revenues after the crisis, governments may have to think about how to broaden the tax base (e.g., temporarily lower rates and stimulate consumption).

As a consequence of the global financial crisis which began in 2008, the amount of debt of the local government sector in OECD countries has remarkably increased. In Poland, the debt of local governments has started to fall gradually after reaching its peak in nominal terms in 2014. In this article, we examine how the ability of local governments to repay their debts changed over the 2007-2016 period. The analysis reveals that, despite their considerable nominal indebtedness, local governments had already returned to a strong debt repayment capacity at the end of 2016, observed formerly at the end of 2009. However, at the end of 2016, one in eight local governments has become overindebted in terms of their repayment capacity, despite the rigorous statutory debt limits imposed in Poland. The most worrying situation is in towns with county rights: in 33% of these entities, the debt repayment period is estimated at longer than 15 years. This category represents 33% of Poland's population, and therefore it is of a systemic importance. ; W konsekwencji światowego kryzysu zapoczątkowanego w 2008 r. zadłużenie sektora jednostek samorządu terytorialnego w krajach OECD znacząco wzrosło. W Polsce nominalne zadłużenie jednostek samorządu terytorialnego osiągnęło najwyższą wartość w 2014 r. W niniejszym artykule analizowane są zmiany w zdolności do spłaty zadłużenia przez jednostki samorządu terytorialnego w latach 2007-2016. Przeprowadzona analiza ukazuje, że mimo wysokiego zadłużenia jednostki samorządu terytorialnego odbudowały przestrzeń do jego obsługi do poziomu z przełomu lat 2009/2010. Wszelako na koniec 2016 r. co ósma jednostka samorządu terytorialnego ma zbyt wysokie zadłużenie, biorąc pod uwagę generowane nadwyżki operacyjne. Najmniej korzystna sytuacja występuje w miastach na prawach powiatu, gdzie co trzeci podmiot ma szacowany ponad 15-letni horyzont spłaty swego zadłużenia. ; 2 ; 5-18

Taxes in most EU countries are designed to financially support farms through lower tax rates. The preferential tax allowances and exemptions motivate farmers to undertake specific activities, in accordance with the main objectives of the agricultural policy. As a result of such activities, the agricultural sector receives additional support, which officially is not subject to public control, at the same time contributing to a considerable burden of EU budgets. The aim of the article is to evaluate the selected tax expenditures addressed to farmers, contained in the German personal income tax. The paper is an attempt to answer the question, whether the method for estimating income from agricultural production used in the German personal income tax law has an impact on reducing tax burdens of farm owners and what the consequences are for the agricultural sector, especially in the area of changes in the area structure of farms.

Due to the rapid increase of the budget deficit and public debt in many the EU countries after 2008, fiscal policy has faced a significant challenge for developing an appropriate tools to strengthen fiscal discipline and thereby improve the quality of public finance. Institutional mechanisms such as among others numerical fiscal rules play an important role in maintaining the fiscal discipline and support fiscal credibility of the state. Fiscal rules are most often defined as permanent constraints on fiscal policy, expressed by indicators introducing a limit for a particular fiscal aggregate, such as a budget deficit (real or structural), public debt, public expenditure or public revenue. The theoretical objective of the article is to analyze the institutional dimension of numerical fiscal rules (their type, legal basis, transparency, complexity, flexibility, adequacy and coherence). The empirical purpose, on the other hand, is to conduct a statistical analysis and to examine the relationship between the value of the fiscal rules index and the level of budget deficit and public debt in 28 Member States of the European Union. Examining the effectiveness of applied fiscal rules, at both European and national level seems to be the most valuable part of the analysis.