Suchergebnisse

The struggle for the overthrow of colonial rule and the eventual attainment of independence in 1960 fell short of expectations as neo-colonial structures tended to generally undermine the expected gains of political independence.The challenge faced by the ascendant power elites of the post-war Nigerian state is how to redesign, articulate and nurture an auto-centric post-colonial economy.This paper attempts to capture the character of post-civil war policy of the Nigerian state towards foreign capital. Approach to the study is based on the methodology of historiography and the application of secondary data. It examines the main thrust of government's policy in this regard. The paper concludes that although a crisis of confidence predicates the relationship between the triangular drivers of post-imperial Nigerian political economy, their interest in the preservation of the institutions of private property tend to converge.This convergence dissolves the conflict in the interest of super ordinate objective of capitalist relations of production – the reproduction of a free enterprise system that promotes local and international capitalist interests within the Nigerian state.

This paper attempts to capture the link between reform and development of the Nigerian banking sector. As a single-resource economy, Nigeria's development is embedded in a dependence framework in which commission forms the basis of primitive accumulation. The analysis, which is based on empirical evidence from primary and secondary sources, shows capital flight, toxic assets, abnormal profitability and margin banking in the Nigerian reform. It argues that within the framework of dependence reformism tied to metropolitan technology, reforms cannot produce mega banks. Backward integration offers Nigeria the hope for transiting from economically underdeveloped south to economically developed north.

This paper attempts to situate Nigeria's capitulation to Cameroun in the Bakassi boundary conflict between the two nations within the context and logic of global politics driven by global states such as the United States of America, Great Britain, France and Germany. It makes a case for why and how a sub-regional war was averted within the Gulf of Guinea. The paper argued that although the crisis was a sub-regional inter-state boundary dispute which threatened to escalate into a sub-regional war within the Gulf of Guinea, it acquired a global stature within the context of the operational security architecture of AFRICOM that seeks to globalize security in the incipient second wave of neo-global governance. The crisis provided ample opportunity for the operationalization of the new geography of power in global politics, founded and driven by the mirror image of 'cognitive existentialism'. The paper concludes that Obasanjo's lowering of the Nigerian flag in Bakassi in the context of the new security architecture was fuelled more by the fears of an escalated anti-federal militant upsurge in the Niger Delta; the official records showing Bakassi as an oil axis; America's incorporation of Bakassi into the Gulf of Guinea; the painful remembrance of the ugly Nigerian civil war experience; and America's refusal to supply Nigeria arms in the event of a war with Cameroun, than by a global environment characterized by the low politics of environmental recreation, humanitarian intervention and the politics of human rights.

This paper interrogates the phenomena of gendered development and gendered opportunity structure in the context of the Nigerian project. On the basis of a body of empirical evidence, male dominance and female tokenism are presented. It is argued that while female participation has recorded steady growth, the emergence of women politicians in the "public face" makes a case for the exceptionality of agendered development in the Nigerian project. It is further argued that the rising profile e of women in the Nigerian 'public space' is not only one of the exceptionalities in the global discourse, but that it owes its emergence to post-colonial reform efforts. It is however argued that rising female profile under Goodluck Jonathan in the national executive space marks the rise of top-down approach to feminization of the public space. The paper also points out that the capacity of women to carve autonomous political space within the Nigerian project may be limited by the declining profile of bottom-up approach to female presence in elective offices. The sociological transition from biological femaleness to sociological maleness has engendered the phenomena of 'female hybridization' and token radicalism amongst women. The paper concludes with analysis of the sociological roots of de-empowerment located in the growth in women participation.

Against the backdrop of the changing trends in tenure in the UK housing system, young adults are faced with different situations that continue to shape their housing consumption and decisions. This paper investigates the relationships between young adults' housing tenure, social capital, and elements of perceived job security in Britain. Socio-psychological dimension of housing tenure decisions has been receiving attention by housing market analysts and practitioners seeking deeper understandings of UK housing market dynamics, particularly in the wake of changing tastes and preferences of young people concerning housing decisions across major cities of the world. More specifically, very little research has been done to investigate the contributions of social capital formation, for example, neighbourhood or social integration and social relations, and elements of perceived job security, on housing tenure transitions among British young adults. A quantitative approach has been applied to the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) from 2001-2015. We discover that British young adults' homeownership decisions are increasingly influenced by social capital and elements of perceived job insecurity, depending on their tenure of origin. Although we find minimal evidence of a combination effect from our variables of interest. Nevertheless, it is our view that findings from this study will significantly enhance our understanding of tenure shifts amongst young adults in the UK and provide property developers, local authorities, and central governments the knowledge and information to guide economic policies, urban renewal towards achieving better social cohesion and sustainable communities.