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Much emphasis in the literature on Bedouin tourism in the Arab world has been given to the demands, perceptions, motivations and experiences of international tourists while domestic demands are not fully understood. Thus, this study challenges the status quo, being one of a few studies in which Egyptians are represented as tourists consuming Egyptian ethnic culture. A mix of qualitative research methods, including 29 semi-structured interviews with domestic visitors, observational data and document analysis, was employed to explore Egyptian visitors' perspectives and assessments of Bedouin cultural attractions in Egypt. The findings revealed that the concept of experiencing existential authenticity through interactions with the workers and performers appeared to be outside the visitors' sphere of thought, as they focused almost exclusively on tangible elements of the site offerings. This study has important implications for Bedouin tourism suppliers as well as tourism researchers. Egyptian visitors can be viewed as a powerful potential market for Bedouin attractions. Thus, site management should reconsider their approach to Egyptian visitors, as well as rethink the mission and goals of their site. Theoretically, the findings of this study strongly contest the notion that objective authenticity is no longer essential in ethnic tourism.

Reexamining the intellectual and Chinese communism -- The birth of a classification -- Visible subjects in the countryside -- The self-fulfilling prophecy of a registration drive -- Classification and organizaton in a school system -- An open struggle of definition -- Ugly intellectuals everywhere -- The intellectual and Chinese society: from past to present.

Socialism and counter-bureaucracy -- Shortages of expertise -- Political domination and its discontents -- Income inequities -- The house of deviants -- Campuses in distress -- Unsustainable socialist systems -- Rethinking socialism

Creating the Intellectual redefines how we understand relations between intellectuals and the Chinese socialist revolution of the last century. Under the Chinese Communist Party, "the intellectual" was first and foremost a widening classification of individuals based on Marxist thought. The party turned revolutionaries and otherwise ordinary people into subjects identified as usable but untrustworthy intellectuals, an identification that profoundly affected patterns of domination, interaction, and rupture within the revolutionary enterprise. Drawing on a wide range of data, Eddy U takes the reader on a journey that examines political discourses, revolutionary strategies, rural activities, urban registrations, workplace arrangements, organized protests, and theater productions. He lays out in colorful detail the formation of new identities, forms of organization, and associations in Chinese society. The outcome is a compelling picture of the mutual constitution of the intellectual and the Chinese socialist revolution, the legacy of which still affects ways of seeing, thinking, acting, and feeling in what is now a globalized China.

This book offers a new analysis of the intellectual and the Chinese socialist revolution. Under the Chinese Communist Party, the intellectual was never simply an outspoken scholar, a browbeaten artist, a supportive official, or any kind of person facing an increasingly powerful political regime. The intellectual was first and foremost a widening classification of people based on Marxist thought. As the party turned revolutionaries and otherwise perfectly ordinary people into subjects identified locally as intellectuals, their appearance profoundly affected the political thinking of the party elites and how they organized the revolution, as well as postrevolutionary Chinese society. Drawing on a wide range of data, Eddy U takes the reader on a fascinating journey that examines political discourses, revolutionary strategies, rural activities, official registrations, organized protests, work organizations, and theater productions. The book lays out in colorful details the formation of new identities and new patterns of organization, association, and calculus. The outcome is a compelling picture of the mutual constitution of the intellectual and the Chinese socialist revolution, the impact of which is still visible in globalized China.

The Rectification Campaign of 1957 prompted a vibrant debate about Chinese socialism. This debate contained three analytically distinct perspectives on the intellectual, each corresponding to a specific vision of socialist development. The "legislator" perspective, championed by college students, demanded for intellectuals the right to help to define socialism. Leading intellectuals sponsored the "reformer" view, which argued that intellectuals were vital to improving governance under the Chinese Communist Party. The state's "red-and-expert" ideal demanded intellectuals' devotion to the working class and the acceleration of professional training for members of the working class. These perspectives promoted, respectively, a modernist, a traditionalist and a borderline Gramscian path of development-none of which was embraced by the Mao regime or post-Mao leaderships. Recovering these visions enriches our understanding of Chinese socialism; they offer powerful contrasts to extremes of both a subsequent Maoism and the current widening inequalities, official corruption and abuses. (China J/GIGA)

Why did otherwise savvy or cautious intellectuals put themselves at risk by attacking the dictatorial Chinese Communist state during the Rectification Campaign of 1957? This essay highlights the critical impact of the postrevolution institution of the united front. A primary tool for acquiring support of non-Party personnel, the official institution featured at the élite level a bundle of exclusive privilege and cultivated exemplary cooperation as well as sentiments of trust, confidence and even admiration toward the regime. Determined to conduct a successful rectification campaign, the regime targeted the élites as usual for support but with augmented privilege. The particular yet familiar approach greatly affected the psychology and calculus of the élites, prompting some to cooperate in criticizing the state. Their publicized opinions set off the dissent of intellectuals and resulted in their own decline. The analysis furthers understanding of the united front and state-society relations in the early Mao years. (China J/GIGA)

AbstractThrough analysing the early 1950s Thought Reform campaign, this article suggests a new approach to studying Chinese intellectuals. I highlight the reification of this social category under Communist Party rule. The campaign universalized zhishifenzi (知识分子) as a social classification, absorbed a diversity of people into the category and established within it multiple subject positions. This reification of the Chinese intellectual, which persisted after Thought Reform, had serious impacts on central policies, local organization and individual behaviour. My analytical perspective can further the understanding of CCP rule, state–intellectual relations and the experience of so-called Chinese intellectuals.