Do we yet know who pays for defense? Conclusions and synthesis
In: Defense, Welfare and Growth
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In: Defense, Welfare and Growth
In: Cornell studies in security affairs
World Affairs Online
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 138-148
ISSN: 1468-2478
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 138-148
ISSN: 0020-8833, 1079-1760
World Affairs Online
In: Convention of the International Studies Association, Atlanta, Georgia, March 2016
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Working paper
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Public Opinion on Foreign Policy Issues" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: International Studies Quarterly. First published online: 5 February 2016
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Working paper
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Working paper
In: Politique américaine, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 11-24
ISSN: 1771-8848
Résumé Au cours de sa première année à la Maison-Blanche, le président Obama a pris de nombreuses initiatives en matière de politique étrangère, de l'Iran aux négociations sur le changement climatique, et entrepris deux changements majeurs dans sa politique en Afghanistan. En raison de l'importance des questions de politique étrangère dans l'élection du président candidat et son agenda, il est utile de se demander dans quelle mesure ses politiques bénéficient d'un consensus et comment ses futures décisions seront reçues. Cet article décrit les préférences des Américains en matière de politique étrangère et évalue le niveau général du soutien de l'opinion publique aux politiques d'Obama et le degré de polarisation qui caractérise l'opinion publique. La conclusion centrale de cet article est que, malgré une polarisation partisane substantielle sur les questions de politique étrangère, les talents de persuasion du président et l'impopularité de l'opposition, lui laissent une marge de man œuvre non négligeable sur ces questions.
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Working paper
In: International security, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 140-177
ISSN: 1531-4804
Although previous studies have examined U.S. public support for the use of military force in particular historical cases, and have even made limited comparisons among cases, a full comparison of a large number of historical episodes in which the United States contemplated, threatened, or actually used military force has been missing. An analysis of U.S. public support for the use of military force in twenty-two historical episodes from the early 1980s through the Iraq war and occupation (2003-05) underscores the continuing relevance of Bruce Jentleson's principal policy objectives framework: the objective for which military force is used is an important determinant of the base level of public support. The U.S. public supports restraining aggressive adversaries, but it is leery of involvement in civil-war situations. Although the objective of the mission strongly conditions this base level of support, the public is also sensitive to the relative risk of different military actions; to the prospect of civilian or military casualties; to multilateral participation in the mission; and to the likelihood of success or failure of the mission. These results suggest that support for U.S. military involvement in Iraq is unlikely to increase; indeed, given the ongoing civil strife in Iraq, continuing casualties, and substantial disagreement about the prospects for success, the public's support is likely to remain low or even decline.
In: International security, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 140-177
ISSN: 0162-2889
World Affairs Online