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"Drawing on an original survey of more than 5,000 respondents, this book argues that, contrary to claims by the 1994 Zapatista insurgency, indigenous and non-indigenous respondents in southern Mexico have been united by socioeconomic conditions and land tenure institutions as well as by ethnic identity. It concludes that--contrary to many analyses of Chiapas's 1994 indigenous rebellion--external influences can trump ideology in framing social movements. Rural Chiapas's prevalent communitarian attitudes resulted partly from external land tenure institutions, rather than from indigenous identities alone. The book further points to recent indigenous rights movements in neighboring Oaxaca, Mexico, as examples of bottom-up multicultural institutions that might be emulated in Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America"--Provided by publisher

Electoral courts and actor compliance : opposition-authoritarian relations and protracted transitions -- Ties that bind and even constrict : why authoritarians tolerate electoral reforms -- Mexico's national electoral justice success : from oxymoron to legal norm in just over a decade -- Mexico's local electoral justice failures : gubernatorial (S) election beyond the shadows of the law -- The gap between law and practice : institutional failure and opposition success in postelectoral conflicts, 1989-2000 -- The National Action Party : dilemmas of rightist oppositions defined by authoritarian collusion -- The party of the democratic revolution : from postelectoral movements to electoral competitors -- Dedazo from the center to finger pointing from the periphery : PRI hard-liners challenge Mexico's electoral institutions -- A quarter century of "Mexicanization" : lessons from a protracted transition.

Drawing on a survey of more than 4,000 respondents, this article argues that contrary to claims by the 1994 Zapatista insurgency, indigenous and nonindigenous respondents in southern Mexico have been united more by socioeconomic and land tenure institution variables than by ethnic identity. Based on statistical models, it concludes that in rural southern Mexico, ethnicity alone is less important in shaping peoples' attitudes than whether the dominant land tenure institutions are the 'communitarian' state-penetrated ejidos (communitarian collective farms) of Chiapas or the more 'individualist' so-called communal lands of Oaxaca. It concludes by affirming that-contrary to many analysts of Chiapas's 1994 indigenous rebellion-external influences (here state-established land tenure institutions) can trump ideology in framing social movements. Rural Chiapas's prevalent communitarian attitudes seem to have resulted partly from exogenous land tenure institutions (ejidos) rather than from endogenous indigenous identities alone, as claimed by Zapatistas and scholars. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2009.]

Drawing on a survey of more than 4,000 respondents, this article argues that contrary to claims by the 1994 Zapatista insurgency, indigenous and nonindigenous respondents in southern Mexico have been united more by socioeconomic and land tenure institution variables than by ethnic identity. Based on statistical models, it concludes that in rural southern Mexico, ethnicity alone is less important in shaping peoples' attitudes than whether the dominant land tenure institutions are the "communitarian" state-penetrated ejidos (communitarian collective farms) of Chiapas or the more "individualist" so-called communal lands of Oaxaca. It concludes by affirming that—contrary to many analysts of Chiapas's 1994 indigenous rebellion—external influences (here state-established land tenure institutions) can trump ideology in framing social movements. Rural Chiapas's prevalent communitarian attitudes seem to have resulted partly from exogenous land tenure institutions (ejidos) rather than from endogenous indigenous identities alone, as claimed by Zapatistas and scholars.