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The more gender equity, the less child poverty? A multilevel analysis of malnutrition and health deprivation in 49 low- and middle-income countries
In: World development: the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development, Band 108, S. 221-230
Inter-state differences in caste-specific risks for child deprivation in India
In: Journal of Poverty and Social Justice, Band 25, Heft 1, S. 3-20
ISSN: 1759-8281
The issue of caste has long been an important structural cause of poverty in India, with certain groups and communities socially and physically excluded from the benefits of national economic and social development. While differences between groups are often explained at national and state levels, this paper focuses instead on the issue of inter-state caste-specific risks of child poverty and basic needs deprivation. We show that while children from schedule caste and tribe (SC/ST) communities fare poorly at the national level, it need not be so given some states manage to protect SC/ST children, ensuring outcomes for them are on a par or better than for children from higher caste groups. Caste and tribe status need not condemn children to lives of poverty, and this paper identifies for policy makers where caste and tribe status remain important drivers of poverty and disparities for children. Tackling these would be a start for making India a more equitable society in coming decades.
Financial and Practical Kin Support in Sweden: Normative Guidelines and Practice
In: Journal of comparative family studies, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 73-95
ISSN: 1929-9850
In Sweden de-familialization is since several decades an established policy in the sense that the state has acquired a significant responsibility for the welfare of individuals, independent of the family he/she belongs to. In debates concerning the relations between support from the welfare state and the family one recurring statement is that in taking over the family responsibility, the state has contributed to the weakening of support between family generations in Swedish families. Results from a survey covering 2666 randomly chosen individuals from 18 years regarding intergenerational support partly supports this assumption. What then about practical support? To which extent is there a flow of practical support between kin and which are the determinants behind such support? The focus of the article will be on giving and reception of practical support to and by members of the family belonging to different generations. The questions asked are the role of needs, emotional closeness and family of origin for giving and receiving practical support. Financial support will also be discussed based on results from the same study. Indicators of closeness will be used in the analysis as well as experiences of disruption in families. Further, which motives are regarded as legitimate for giving and receiving support between kin members of different family types. We draw on theory of moral economy, reciprocity and gift giving in the analysis. Following the arguments within the framework of 'moral economy' we distinguish different motives behind material and practical support exchanged between family members. Transfers of material and practical support can be linked to needs of such support. It can also be linked to a normative obligation - a family member feels obliged to help. Further it can be linked to desires to keep the family together, which basically can be regarded as an aspect of obligation. Finally it can be linked to motives to sustain personal relationships through strengthening emotional ties.
#Metoo: En kamp för socialt erkännande och rättvisa
In: Sociologisk forskning: sociological research : journal of the Swedish Sociological Association, Band 58, Heft 3
ISSN: 2002-066X
Artikeln analyserar vittnesmål om sexuella trakasserier utifrån Honneths teori om socialt erkännande och Frickers teori om epistemisk orättvisa. Undersökningen baseras på en innehållsanalys av de vittnesmål om sexuella trakasserier som ingår i de 65 svenska #metoo-uppropen. De som vittnat i #metoo-uppropen berättar om vad som med Honneths begrepp kan beskrivas som en systematisk förvägran av socialt erkännande. De nekas solidaritet och rättigheter genom sexuella fysiska och psykiska övergrepp, vilket har en negativ inverkan på deras självförtroende, självaktning och självuppskattning. De förövande männens agerande leder i praktiken till såväl personligt lidande för de kvinnor som utsätts som deras exkludering från sociala sammanhang. Det senare sker genom att kvinnorna antingen lämnar det sammanhang i vilket de utsatts för sexuella trakasserier eller att deras deltagande i sammanhanget villkoras. De måste till exempel avstå från att berätta om vad de utsatts för eller så uteblir omgivningens stöd när de berättar. Svårigheten att mobilisera stöd för dem som blir utsatta för sexuella trakasserier tolkas i artikeln som en effekt av epistemisk orättvisa.
Dynamics of violent and dehumanizing rhetoric in far-right social media
In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 23, Heft 11, S. 3290-3311
ISSN: 1461-7315
This article sheds light on mechanisms by which online social interactions contribute to instigating far-right political violence. It presents an analysis of how violence against ethnic and religious minorities is motivated and legitimized in social media, as well as the situational conditions for such violent rhetoric. Online violent rhetoric in a Swedish public far-right social media discussion group was studied using a combination of machine-learning tools and qualitative analysis. The analysis shows that violent rhetoric primarily occurs in the context of narratives about criminals and crimes with (imagined) immigrant perpetrators and often particularly vulnerable victims, linked to a social problem definition of a corrupt and failing state as well as the alleged need to deport immigrants. The use of dehumanizing and infrahumanizing expressions both legitimizes political violence and spurs negative emotions that may increase motivation for violent action.
In-work poverty and labour market trajectories: Poverty risks among the working population in 22 European countries
In: Journal of European social policy, Band 25, Heft 5, S. 473-488
ISSN: 1461-7269
Is in-work poverty a low-wage or an unemployment problem, and is it the same problem all across Europe? Because of the definitional ambiguity, we really do not know. In this article, we use longitudinal European Union-Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) data from 22 countries and derive a set of distinct clusters of labour market trajectories (LMTs) from information about monthly labour market position from a 36-month observation window and estimate in-work poverty risk for each LMT. The results show that in-work poverty is a problem that affects the self-employed and people in a marginal labour market position, that is, those who for different reasons move in and out of employment. Hence, in-work poverty is mainly an unemployment problem, not a low-wage problem. Besides the fact that the size of LMTs varies between countries, we also expected to find systematic country differences in the effect of LMTs. The analysis did not support that assumption.
Mäns våld mot kvinnor i det jämställda Sverige: Resultat från en prevalensstudie
In: Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning, Band 47, Heft 2-3, S. 130-151
ISSN: 1891-1781
Local Conditions for Anti-immigrant Violence: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) of Asylum Housing Attacks in Sweden
In: Terrorism and political violence, Band 35, Heft 6, S. 1353-1372
ISSN: 1556-1836