Suchergebnisse

A growing body of evidence suggests that support for a strong non-democratic leader is driven, in part, by low economic development and economic inequality at the country level, and low income and interpersonal trust at the individual level. In the current research, we tested the hypothesis that although such a pattern predicts support for a strong non-democratic leader in democracies, it should produce decreased support for a strong non-democratic leader in non-democracies (where the presence of such leaders is the political status quo). Using three waves of World Values Survey data (2005-2020), as predicted, we found that in democracies, low economic development, high inequality, and low interpersonal trust predicted support for a strong non-democratic leader. However, in non-democracies, support for a strong non-democratic leader was higher in more economically developed countries and among individuals with higher social trust. These results contradict modernization theory's proposition that development promotes support for democratic rule and suggest that economic development reinforces support for the existing political system.

A growing body of evidence suggests that support for a strong non-democratic leader is driven, in part, by low economic development and economic inequality at the country level, and low income and interpersonal trust at the individual level. In the current research, we tested the hypothesis that although such a pattern predicts support for a strong non-democratic leader in democracies, it should produce decreased support for a strong non-democratic leader in non-democracies (where the presence of such leaders is the political status quo). Using three waves of World Values Survey data (2005-2020), as predicted, we found that in democracies, low economic development, high inequality, and low interpersonal trust predicted support for a strong non-democratic leader. However, in non-democracies, support for a strong non-democratic leader was higher in more economically developed countries and among individuals with higher social trust. These results contradict modernization theory's proposition that development promotes support for democratic rule and suggest that economic development reinforces support for the existing political system. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

Purpose Sex differences in adolescent health are widely documented, but social explanations for these sex differences are scarce. This study examines whether societal gender inequality (i.e., men's and women's unequal share in political participation, decision-making power, economic participation, and command over resources) relates to sex differences in adolescent physical fighting, physical activity, and injuries. Methods National-level data on gender inequality (i.e., the United Nations Development Program's Gender Inequality Index) were linked to health data from 71,255 15-year-olds from 36 countries in the 2009–2010 Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children study. Using multilevel logistic regression analyses, we tested the association between gender inequality and sex differences in health while controlling for country wealth (gross domestic product per capita). Results In all countries, boys reported more physical fighting, physical activity, and injuries than girls, but the magnitude of these sex differences varied greatly between countries. Societal gender inequality positively related to sex differences in all three outcomes. In more gender unequal countries, boys reported higher levels of fighting and physical activity compared with boys in more gender equal countries. In girls, scores were consistently low for these outcomes; however, injury was more common in countries with less gender inequality. Conclusions Societal gender inequality appears to relate to sex differences in some adolescent health behaviors and may contribute to the establishment of sex differences in morbidity and mortality. To reduce inequalities in the health of future generations, public health policy should target social and cultural factors that shape perceived gender norms in young people.

There is little evidence on the association between child and adolescent mental health (CAMH) policies and adolescent mental health. This study examined this association using data on indicators of adolescent mental health—aggressive behavior, life satisfaction, and psychosomatic symptoms—in 172,829 eleven- to fifteen-year-olds from 30 European countries in the 2013-2014 Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children (HBSC) study. Individual records were linked to national-level policies for CAMH, controlling for national-level adult violence, adult well-being, and income inequality. Multilevel analyses revealed lower adolescent aggressive behavior in countries with more CAMH policies, even after controlling for other national-level indicators. Adolescent life satisfaction and psychosomatic symptoms were not associated with CAMH policies. Results may inform policy recommendations regarding investments in adolescent mental health.

Purpose: Social media use (SMU) has become an intrinsic part of adolescent life. Negative consequences of SMU for adolescent health could include exposures to online forms of aggression. We explored age, gender, and cross-national differences in adolescents engagement in SMU, then relationships between SMU and victimization and the perpetration of cyber-bullying. Methods: We used data on young people aged 11-15 years (weighted n = 180,919 in 42 countries) who participated in the 2017-2018 Health Behaviour in School-aged Children study to describe engagement in the three types of SMU (intense, problematic, and talking with strangers online) by age and gender and then in the perpetration and victimization of cyber-bullying. Relationships between SMU and cyber-bullying outcomes were estimated using Poisson regression (weighted n = 166,647 from 42 countries). Results: Variations in SMU and cyber-bullying follow developmental and gender-based patterns across countries. In pooled analyses, engagement in SMU related to cyber-bullying victimization (adjusted relative risks = 1.14 [95% confidence interval (CI): 1.10-1.19] to 1.48 [95% CI: 1.42-1.55]) and perpetration (adjusted relative risk = 1.31 [95% CI: 1.26-1.36] to 1.84 [95% CI: 1.74-1.95]). These associations were stronger for cyber-perpetration versus cyber-victimization and for girls versus boys. Problematic SMU was most strongly and consistently associated with cyber-bullying, both for victimization and perpetration. Stratified analyses showed that SMU related to cyber-victimization in 19%-45% of countries and to cyber-perpetration in 38%-86% of countries. Conclusions: Accessibility to social media and its pervasive use has led to new opportunities for online aggression. The time adolescents spend on social media, engage in problematic use, and talk to strangers online each relate to cyber-bullying and merit public health intervention. Problematic use of social media poses the strongest and most consistent risk. (C) 2020 Published by Elsevier Inc. on behalf of Society for Adolescent Health and Medicine. ; Funding Agencies|Public Health Agency of Canada; Canadian Institutes of Health ResearchCanadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) [MOP341188]; Ministry of Health, Office of the Director, Israel; Ministry of Health, Wellbeing, and Sports, the NetherlandsNetherlands Government; Warsaw University, Poland; Italian Ministry of Health/Centre for Disease Prevention and ControlMinistry of Health, Italy; Department of Health, Ireland; Public Health Agency of Sweden; Institute of Mother and Child