Suchergebnisse

THE BASIC THEME OF THIS PAPER IS TO TRACE THE PRAGMATIC ATTEMPTS OF DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS IN THE SUDAN TO REVIVE THE SYSTEM OF NATIVE ADMINISTRATION. THE NEED FOR THIS REVIVAL BECAME CLEAR SHORTLY BEFORE THE OVERTHROW OF NIMEIRY'S GOVERNMENT IN APRIL 1985. THE APPROACHES TO THIS REVIVAL FOLLOWED TWO MAIN LINES. THE FIRST APPROACH ADOPTED PIECEMEAL REFORMS INITIATED BY INDIVIDUAL REGIONAL GOVERNMENTS BEFORE 1986. IN THE SECOND APPROACH THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT ADOPTED A COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGY TO REVIVE NATIVE ADMINISTRATION. THE IMPLICATIONS OF THESE ATTEMPTS AND THEIR EXPECTED INFLUENCE ON THE NEW MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM IN THE SUDAN ARE BRIEFLY ANALYSED IN THIS PAPER.

AbstractThe basic theme of this paper is to trace the pragmatic attempts of different governments in the Sudan to revive the system of native administration. The need for this revival became clear shortly before the overthrow of Nimeiry's government in April 1985. The approaches to this revival followed two main lines. The first approach adopted piecemeal reforms initiated by individual regional governments before 1986. In the second approach the central government adopted a comprehensive strategy to revive native administration. The implications of these attempts and their expected influence on the new multi‐party system in the Sudan are briefly analysed in this paper. The data for this article was collected by the author while touring the Eastern and Western regions with an ILO project identification team between March and June 1986 as a consultant on local government and popular participation.

"Native Administration" wird im Sinne von örtlicher Selbstverwaltung mit unscharfer Abgrenzung zu "Local Government" verwendet. Betonung der langen Tradition (seit Anfang des 16. Jhs), der Bedeutung gerade in nomadischen und seminomadischen Gruppen mit ihrem ausgeprägten tribalen Bewußtsein. Während der britischen Kolonialzeit Weiterentwicklung hin zu stark gestuften tribalen und religiösen Patron-Klient-Systemen mit Bedeutsamkeit für die Entstehung politischer Parteien und für die Beziehungen zwischen modernen, städtischen und traditionellen Eliten auf dem Lande. 1971 nach Numeiris Coup formale Abschaffung der Selbstverwaltung, jedoch schon zu Numeiris Sturz, 1985, in den stark nomadisch geprägten Landesteilen Eastern Region, Kordofan und Darfur unsystematische Wiedereinführung. Die folgende Mehrparteienregierung versucht planmäßigere, einheitlichere und gesetzlich fixierte Durchführung: Wahl der örtlichen Träger der Selbstverwaltung mit Kompetenzen im Bereich Verwaltung, Finanzen und Rechtswesen sowie Bezahlung durch den Staat. Kritik an dieser Kompetenzhäufung vor allem von den westlich gebildeten, städtischen "Linken". Die Zukunft des Staates hänge vor allem vom Ausgang einer möglichen Auseinandersetzung zwischen modernen und traditionellen Eliten ab. (APAF-Glz)

The objective of this article is quasi-experimental. By using the logic of game theory to explain the establishment of the state of the United Arab Emirates, the article intends to test the ability of game theory to explain a pre-played game. Although formal game theory is not susceptible to experimentation, game to political science and public policy is like experiments to psychology. Hence this paper attempts to use the already played game of the establishment of the state of the United Arab Emirates as an experiment to answer the question: is the outcome of this game conforms with game theory modeling. Thus, the article models that game as the Extended Battle of Sexes game and use both the normal and extensive forms to address that question.

The approach of this paper is both normative and analytical. The normative aspect intends to present one possible rational approach, i.e., Multigoal Analysis, to address the challenges posed by some types of public policy problems in the Gulf Cooperation Countries and to help provide manageable information on public policy problems to address uncertainty surrounding them. Many important public policy issue areas present considerable challenges to policymakers in the Gulf Cooperation Countries. The traditional economic tools such as cost-benefit analysis (CBO) and cost-effectiveness (CE), emphasize the criteria of efficiency and admit only quantitatively monetized criteria. Therefore they are not suitable for some ill-structured types of public problems encountered by the Gulf Cooperation Countries policymakers because they involve many criteria. Unlike the economic tools, the Multigoal approach integrates economic, social, political, administrative as well as other types of criteria that are important to policymakers in the Gulf Cooperation Countries. Unfortunately, at present policy advisors in the GCC in different areas of ill-structured problems are drawn from economists and business administration specialists who, by their very training, do not consider any criteria beyond efficiency and effectiveness. The analytical side of the paper seeks to review critically in public policy analysis the literature and to analyze the particular political context in the Gulf Cooperation Countries and the types of public problems it produces.

It is widely believed that since privatization involves the transfer of public ownership to private sector, it thereby reflects a contraction of public administration role in society. Despite the rights and wrongs of this assertion, the 1980s and 1990s have witnessed the hegemony of the anti-government political and economic thought. This hegemony has resulted in policies directed mainly toward strengthening the market and reducing the public sector role (In this article the terms public administration, public sector and government are used as synonymous). But not all types of privatization policies affect equally the size of the public sector. However, the major theoretical contention of this article is that privatization does not necessarily and inevitably leads to reduction in government size or its scope of public administration as measured by the resources put at the disposable of government.

AbstractThis article uses a qualitative methodology employing the elite model to describe and analyse the complex interplay of political and economic factors in the privatization experience of the state of Qatar. The article begins by providing a theoretical framework for privatisation in the context of public policy and classifying policies of privatisation into two categories: macro‐ and micro‐privatisation. The second part uses this framework to discuss the factors that gives the Qatari experience its distinguished flavour. These factors include: elite legitimacy and social culture, bureaucratic power, international pressure and patron–client networks. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.