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Introduction / Christopher G. Ellison and Robert A. Hummer -- Religion and family life outcomes -- Religion and the timing of first births in the United States / Lisa D. Pearce -- Religion and child rearing / Duane F. Alwin and Jacob L. Felson -- Religion and adolescent sexual behavior / Mark D. Regnerus -- The influence of religion on ties between the generations / Valarie King -- Religion and family values reconsidered : gender traditionalism among conservative protestants / John P. Bartkowski and Xiaohe Xu -- From generation to generation : religious involvement and attitudes toward family and pro-family outcomes among U.S. Catholics / Amy M. Burdette and Teresa A. Sullivan -- Religious intermarriage and conversion in the United States : patterns and changes over time / Linda J. Waite and Alisa C. Lewin -- Childhood religious denomination and early adult asset accumulation / Lisa A. Keister -- Religious affiliation and participation as determinants of women's educational attainment and wages / Evelyn Lehrer -- Religion, family, and women's employment among Muslim and Christian Arab Americans / Jennan Ghazal Read -- Religion and health outcomes -- Religion and depressive symptoms in late life / Neal Krause -- Religion and physical health among U.S. adults / Marc A. Musick and Meredith G. F. Worthen -- Religious involvement and mortality risk among pre-retirement aged U.S. adults / Robert A. Hummer, Maureen R. Benjamins, Christopher G. Ellison, and Richard G. Rogers -- Religious attendance and cause-specific mortality in the United States / Richard G. Rogers, Patrick M. Krueger, and Robert A. Hummer -- Race, religious involvement, and health : the case of African Americans / Christopher G. Ellison, Robert A. Hummer, Amy M. Burdette, and Maureen R. Benjamins -- Jewish identity and self reported health / Isaac W. Eberstein and Kathleen M. Heyman -- Religion, sexually risky behavior, and reproductive health : the Mormon case / Tim B. Heaton -- Religion and the new immigrants : impact on health behaviors and access to health care / Helen Rose Ebaugh -- Looking ahead -- The religious demography of the United States : dynamics of affiliation, participation, and belief / Darren E. Sherkat -- Future directions in population-based research on religion, family life, and health in the United States / Christopher G. Ellison and Robert A. Hummer

Data from a male subsample (N = 797) of the 1979/80 National Survey of Black Americans reveal that blacks with military backgrounds -- particularly combat veterans -- express lower levels of racial identification & separatist sentiment than do nonveterans. Veterans, especially combat veterans, are also more likely than nonveterans to engage in high-, but not low-initiative, political activity. The possible influence of selection effects is discussed, along with several directions for future research. 3 Tables, 58 References. Abstracted from the source document.

Four potential cultural explanations for the relatively high levels of gun ownership among white southerners are examined: the subculture of violence, racial prejudice, ideological conservatism, & the sporting gun subculture. Analysis of data from the 1984-1989 General Social Surveys (base N = 3,332) reveals modest links between southern subcultures of racism & conservatism & firearm ownership, negligible support for the subculture of violence thesis, & no empirical support for the southern sporting gun subculture hypothesis. It is suggested that structural factors may mediate the links between southern cultural orientations & gun-owning behavior; however, better methodological techniques are needed before these mediating factors can be understood. 2 Tables, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

While a burgeoning literature investigates the determinants of ethnic mobilization, few works consider the importance of intraethnic stratification patterns in shaping ethnic politics. This study focuses on two sequential "episodes" of Tamil activity in post-colonial Sri Lanka: (1) the emergence and decline of federalism during the 1950s and 1960s; and (2) the rise of electoral separatism after 1970. This analysis concludes that the more militant ethnic political orientation was a response of certain middle-class and high-caste Tamils from Northern Sri Lanka to pressures from subordinate groups within the Tamil community and from dominant Sinhalese elements. Further research is needed - on Sri Lanka and in comparative perspective - regarding the implications of (1) the colonial experience, (2) state policies, and (3) intragroup stratification systems for ethnic mobilization. (Internat. Pol. Science Assoc.)

While the scientific community has experienced a resurgence in the idea that there are important linkages between religion and family life and religion and health outcomes, this study is still in its early stages, scattered across multiple disciplines, and of uneven quality. To date, no book has featured both reviews of the literature and new empirical findings. Religion, Families, and Health fills this void by bringing together leading social scientists who provide a theoretically rich, methodologically rigorous, and exciting glimpse into a fascinating social institution that continues to be

To examine links between conservative Protestantism & attitudes toward state-sponsored lotteries, several hypotheses are tested using telephone survey data obtained from 823 TX residents in Feb 1997. Logistic regression models are estimated to gauge the net effects of religious variables & a range of sociodemographic covariates on opposition to the state lottery. The vast majority of respondents support the state lottery in TX. Consistent with the hypotheses, antilottery views are most common among (1) Baptists & members of other conservative Protestant denominations, (2) persons who report attending religious services at least weekly, & (3) persons who strongly agree vs disagree with inerrancy. Overall, religious variables are among the strongest predictors of lottery opposition. Clearly, religious conservatives are much more likely than other Texans to oppose the state lottery. However, antilottery sentiment is somewhat tepid even in this important segment of the population. Consequently, any effective resistance to lotteries, & perhaps other forms of gambling, will likely involve coalitions of conservative Protestants & other antigambling constituencies. 1 Table, 36 References. Adapted from the source document.

The 1979/80 National Survey of Black Americans (N = 2,107) is used to explore the relevance of the contact hypothesis for the distribution of racial attitudes among blacks. Results indicate that interracial friendship is among the strongest predictors of blacks' racial attitudes. Childhood & adult interracial contacts are weakly & inconsistently related to blacks' perceptions of whites & white-dominated society. Interracial contact, especially when it occurs early in life, enhances the likelihood that blacks will develop close friendships with whites. Directions for future research are discussed. 4 Tables, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

Numerous studies have demonstrated that blacks tend to participate in political activities at higher levels than whites. Here, data from the 1968 & 1980 American National Election Surveys (total N = 1,200+ respondents, 9%-11% black) are used to assess the ethnic community & compensatory explanations of this pattern, & a structural public arena model is advanced. Further research on the influence of interpersonal contacts & social networks on black political participation is recommended. 3 Tables, 44 References. HA

We explore patterns and correlates of gun ownership in the United States, with a particular focus on differentiating those who will never own a gun ("nevers") and those who are open to ownership in the future ("maybes") from current‐owners. We use the Guns in American Life Survey (GALS), collected in September of 2018 (n = 3,103), to explore the role of several classes of factors in shaping experiences and attitudes, including socialization, fear and victimization, ideology (confidence in the police, punitiveness, justifiable violence, and gun "science" research), and preparedness. Descriptive findings suggest that maybe‐owners are similar to never‐owners in some ways in background factors (e.g., tending to be women, lower‐income, and not living in a rural area) and more like owners in other ways (e.g., conservative, Republican, and with children in the home). Regression results reveal some anticipated patterns and other unexpected ones. For example, past victimization differentiates the maybes from the nevers but not from the owners. Worry about mass and school shootings leads one away from gun ownership, while worry about terrorist attacks leads toward it. Curiously, greater confidence in the police is highest for the maybes. They are solidly in the middle on other ideological issues, including beliefs in justifiable violence and gun "science" research. We find different ideological issues come together as a continuum of gun ownership status. Finally, those most likely to buy a gun have owned one previously and cycle in and out of gun ownership. They have also used agency by taking other steps to protect themselves. Our findings identify a new subset of occasional owners and illuminate the process of moving toward gun acquisition.