Suchergebnisse

En esta oportunidad trataremos lo concerniente a los Órganos del Estado Encargados de las Relaciones Internacionales, en la cual de manera sistemática explicaremos la división de éstos, a saber: Órganos Internos y Órganos Internacionales. Donde los Órganos Internos corresponden o recaen en cuanto a su representatividad en el Jefe de Estado o Jefe de Gobierno y en el Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores, mientras que, los Órganos Internacionales corresponden a las Misiones Diplomátivas y las Oficinas Consulares.

Abstract
The assessment of the United Kingdom's (UK) trade continuity programme is open to debate. Joris Larik argues that this programme should be seen as a success both for the UK (although a 'modest' one) and for the European Union (EU). However, the significance of the UK's trade continuity agreements should not be overstated, as the replication of the EU's trade agreements seems to result above all from pragmatic considerations. It is submitted that this programme cannot be described as a success for the UK and only allows limited conclusions to be drawn about the external influence of the EU's trade policy.

Abstract
Educational formats that seek to raise police officers' awareness about racial discrimination often focus on formal violations of the principle of non-discrimination or canons of values. First, based on a critical discussion of positions on discrimination in policing and proposals for police training in Germany this paper argues based on human rights for a broader understanding of the challenge to tackle racial discrimination in policing. In reference to neo-Aristotelian virtue ethics, competencies for proactive encounters with affected groups will thereby be explored. Second, it outlines a framework for educational formats on this issue that address police officers as whole persons, who should, in the context of their professional practice, develop the virtue to understand the perspectives of and to build relationships of care with marginalized individuals. An example of a tested format that integrates perspectives from civil society will be presented.

In the First World War, national minorities fought on all sides. How did these soldiers negotiate their identity as a national minority with their loyalty to and identification with the state for which they fought in the severest war of nations in modern times until then? This paper explores the complex landscape of this question by comparing Irish soldiers in the British Army and Italian-speaking Tyrolean soldiers in the Habsburg forces. Using a sample of war diaries from combatants on both sides and drawing on the more recently upcoming literature on minorities in the First World War, perceptions of these groups about their nationality are examined. The analysis will show how combatants were integrated into a network of loyal relationships to the respective empire through factors such as culture, language and emotions. This is made productive through the analytical category of imperial nationalism. The article emphasises the importance of regiments bridging national identity and imperial loyalty. Italy's entry into the war (1915) and the Easter Rising (1916) were critical events for soldiers of each side regarding their national self-image. The soldiers' reactions show the broad spectrum of individual national identity, ranging from increased identification with the Empire to disintegration. Subsequently, both groups increasingly faced discrimination, to which they reacted differently. While the Italian-speaking Tyroleans tended to gradually distance themselves from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Irish soldiers mostly maintained their imperial loyalty. These different results illustrate the complex interplay of allegiance, identity and nationality of minority soldiers and the impact of changing circumstances on these factors during the Great War.

Owing to various reasons, Stalinism still represents, according to this essay, a fertile intellectual topic. Therefore, my aim here is to offer a reading of Pavel Campeanu's works on Stalinism – a relatively unknown Romanian Marxist – through the social history of the Soviet Union in general and of Stalinism in particular advanced by Moshe Lewin. The argumentation advances by taking into account the overall historical frame of the debate (Eastern and Western Marxism during the Cold War) and by stressing some key issues like primitive accumulation, legitimacy, a certain overstretching of the concept of Stalinism and, finally, the issue of totalitarianism. The stake of the essay resides in claiming that Campeanu's analyses of Stalinism, original and convincing as they are, may favor, in the above-mentioned issues, and regardless the author's intentions, interpretations belonging to or deriving from the totalitarian school of Cold War and Soviet Studies.

Abstract
Early socialism from the second half of 19th century Romania is experiencing a systematic comeback among historians and social scientists. The works of Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea, the founding father of Romanian Marxism, occupy a central place in this newfound attention towards the origins and struggles of socialism in Romania. This paper addresses Gherea's interpretation of anarchism on par with his doctrine of 'legal socialism'. Its purpose is to prove how anarchism acts as a more than tactical catalyzer for legal socialism, placing the latter not necessarily on a new ideological perspective, but further on the terrain of Romanian political status-quo of late 19th and early 20th century Romania. Although more principled than tactical, Gherea's repudiation of anarchism in progressively unsubstantial Marxist terms has also led to tactical shortcomings. This was the case of the first Romanian socialist party, which was dissolved and absorbed after only six years of existence within the ascending liberal party.

Although centred on the European Central Bank, the international representation of the European System of Central Banks also relies on the national central banks. This article analyses the requirement of unity of the international representation of the ESCB, assesses the current means through which it is implemented, and identifies areas of possible improvement in the coordination of the respective international activities of the European Central Bank and of national central banks. The article argues that the principle of sincere cooperation can play a significant role, both within and beyond Article 6 of the ESCB/ECB Statute. Although the existing soft-law arrangements within the ESCB are more effective than for the EMU in general, improvements are possible regarding the conclusion and implementation of international cooperation agreements. Stronger synergies with the activities of national central banks would also help the emergence of a more proactive and influential international cooperation strategy.
European System of Central Banks, Eurosystem, national central banks, international representation