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This article offers an analysis of different approaches to control walking in Stockholm in the inter-war period. Various social actors engaged in controlling pedestrians through legislation, police monitoring, educational campaigns and traffic control technologies. But the police, municipal engineers, local politicians and road user organizations differed in their aspirations to privilege motorists over pedestrians. While the inter-war period saw a shifting balance between pedestrians and motorists in Stockholm, the transition in terms of legitimate use of city streets was incomplete. Moreover, taking pedestrians' viewpoints into consideration, what many observers and motorists understood as rebellion against traffic rules or simply bad manners, many pedestrians found to be the safest way to cross the street.

This paper studies the effects of endogenous party formation on political platforms. It develops a model in which parties allow like-minded citizens to, first, share the cost of running in a public election and, second, coordinate on a policy platform. The paper characterizes the set of political equilibria with two competing parties and with one uncontested party. In two-party equilibria, the distance between both platforms is always positive but limited, in contrast to the median voter model and the citizen candidate model. In one-party equilibria, the median voter can be worse off than in all equilibria with two competing parties.

Fort Irwin National Training Centre is a United States Army facility situated in the Mojave Desert in California used for training soldiers before they are deployed in various conflict zones. Simulated environments, such as mock Iraqi or Afghan villages, are used for this purpose. In this essay, I consider the use of fiction in preparation for reality, but also as a means to augment and orient it. Looking at how three different groups of users are moving about this training facility, namely the soldiers, the role players, and the journalists, I discuss its function as an optical device that is used to frame the experience of each of these groups. This framed experience is not only bound to this camp, as it is prolonged and has repercussions outside of it as well – and this is how the real gets influenced by the fictionalised reality of the camp. I look at historical examples of creative fiction in politics to show that the deceptive strategy that was at stake then is what differs fundamentally at Fort Irwin. The last section discusses Mirages, a film on this training camp that I directed, and the role that the images from this film play in producing a critique of the image, acknowledging the fact that they participate in the dissemination of a framed vision of war.

The paper studies political competition between endogenously formed parties instead of independent candidates. Party formation allows policy-motivated citizens to nominate one of their fellow party members as their candidate for a general election and to share the cost of running in this election. Thus, like-minded citizens are able to coordinate their political behavior in order to improve the policy outcome. The paper focuses on political equilibria with two active parties, and investigates the properties of stable parties and the policy platforms offered in equilibrium. The platforms of both parties can neither be fully convergent as in the median voter model (Downs 1957) nor extremely polarized as in the citizen candidate model (Besley & Coate 1997). In the benchmark case of full electoral certainty, a unique political equilibrium with positive platform distance exists. Endogenous party formation thus eliminates a major weakness of the citizen candidate model, the extreme multiplicity of equilibria. The model remains tractable, and the qualitative results are shown to be robust under the assumption of electoral uncertainty, where vote results cannot be perfectly predicted.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License. The Obama administration has an opportunity, and some would say an obligation, to create a doctrine that sets guidelines for the development and deployment of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), also known as drones. There are a number of debates surrounding the use of drones, the most contentious of which have been as to whether governments have legal authorization to do so, and of how combatant status is defined under current international law. In Obama's first term, his administration worked to rollback the world's arsenal of nuclear weapons. His efforts and vision of a world without nuclear weapons was one of the reasons why President Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize—inclusive, of course, of his effortto strengthen international diplomacy. Yet, during this same period, his administration has developed and utilized revolutionary military technologies that may well become signature weapons of the 21st century. Since 9/11, there has been an alarming increase in the use of drones.

This thesis consists of three self-contained chapters. The first chapter studies political competition with endogenously formed political parties. Party formation allows policy-motivated citizens to coordinate their political behavior, and crucially affects political outcomes. In political equilibria with two active parties, both platforms can neither be fully convergent as in the median voter model, nor extremely polarized as in the citizen candidate model. The second chapter investigates the effects of political institutions on the quality of political selection, i.e., the voters' capacity to empower competent politicians. Political institutions that increase the concentration of political power in the hands of the election winner involve a trade-off. On the one hand, higher power concentration enables the voters' preferred politician to enforce larger parts of his agenda. On the other hand, higher concentration of power increases electoral stakes and thereby induces stronger distortions in policy choice. We identify a negative relation between the optimal level of power concentration and the extent of the politicians' office motivation. The results of an empirical analysis are in line with this prediction. The third chapter studies optimal income taxation in a model with labor supply responses at the intensive and the extensive margin. In contrast to the classical Mirrlees framework, a utilitarian desire for redistribution does not pin down the signs of optimal marginal taxes and optimal participation taxes. The chapter uncovers a non-standard tradeoff between efficiency at the intensive margin and efficiency at the extensive margin, which complements the standard equity-efficiency tradeoff and provides the economic intuition behind the ambiguous sign of the optimal marginal income tax.

In 2001, after six years of preparatory work by academics and European Commission civil servants, a White Paper on European governance was published. In this document, participation plays a crucial role. A precise semantic analysis of corresponding European Commission publications enables to present a detailed characterisation of the discursive regime of European participative governance. This characterisation highlights the numerous convergences between the discourse of participative governance and the neoliberal ideology. This participative governance discourse may be understood as an attempt to both imagine and legitimate a political system aimed at governing European people in a historical phase of domination of the neoliberal ideology in Europe.

Following thirteen years of excavation by the Israel Antiquities Authority, a thousand-year-old structure – once a hospital in Jerusalem – will be open to the public; part of it seems earmarked to serve as a restaurant. In Syria, as the civil war rages on, reports and footage have been emerging of explosions in and around Crac des Chevaliers castle, a UNESCO World Heritage site. During the interwar period (1923–1943), the Italian colonial authorities in the Dodecanese engaged in a wide-ranging series of projects to restore – and in some instances redesign – several buildings on Rhodes, in an attempt to recreate the late medieval/Renaissance lore of the island. ; peer-reviewed

Recensione di: Guido Panvini, Cattolici e violenza politica. L'altro album di famiglia del terrorismo italiano, Venezia: Marsilio editore, 2014, 400 p., ISBN-13: 978-8831717533, 22 euro.

From 1995 to 2000, academics and European Commission (EC) civil servants participated in a seminar organised by the EC and dedicated to the governance of the European Union. The main outcome of this seminar was the publication of the White Paper on European Governance in July 2001. This White Paper focuses on the concept of " good governance " and presents five corresponding principles: openness, participation, accountability, effectiveness and coherence. Here, participation benefits from a special status since it is considered as a prerequisite for fulfilling the four other principles. Based on a semantic analysis of the corresponding EC publications, we propose a detailed characterisation of the discursive regime of European participative governance. A specificity of this discourse lies in its almost exclusive uptake of participation as " procedural " , as opposed to a possible " substantial " participation. I will then expose the convergences and divergences between both discursive regimes of European participative governance and of neoliberalism. In particular, I will show that their main divergence concerns the status that the discourse of participative governance confers to both bureaucracy and techno-scientific expertise. Finally, in the EC participative governance discourse, the promoted participation is the procedural participation of scientific and technical experts, coming from either the European bureaucracy or the organised civil society, and not the participation of lay European citizens.

In 2001, after six years of preparatory work by academics and European Commission civil servants, a White Paper on European governance was published. In this document, participation plays a crucial role. A precise semantic analysis of corresponding European Commission publications enables to present a detailed characterisation of the discursive regime of European participative governance. This characterisation highlights the numerous convergences between the discourse of participative governance and the neoliberal ideology. This participative governance discourse may be understood as an attempt to both imagine and legitimate a political system aimed at governing European people in a historical phase of domination of the neoliberal ideology in Europe.

From 1995 to 2000, academics and European Commission (EC) civil servants participated in a seminar organised by the EC and dedicated to the governance of the European Union. The main outcome of this seminar was the publication of the White Paper on European Governance in July 2001. This White Paper focuses on the concept of " good governance " and presents five corresponding principles: openness, participation, accountability, effectiveness and coherence. Here, participation benefits from a special status since it is considered as a prerequisite for fulfilling the four other principles. Based on a semantic analysis of the corresponding EC publications, we propose a detailed characterisation of the discursive regime of European participative governance. A specificity of this discourse lies in its almost exclusive uptake of participation as " procedural " , as opposed to a possible " substantial " participation. I will then expose the convergences and divergences between both discursive regimes of European participative governance and of neoliberalism. In particular, I will show that their main divergence concerns the status that the discourse of participative governance confers to both bureaucracy and techno-scientific expertise. Finally, in the EC participative governance discourse, the promoted participation is the procedural participation of scientific and technical experts, coming from either the European bureaucracy or the organised civil society, and not the participation of lay European citizens.

Recensione di: Guido Panvini, Cattolici e violenza politica. L'altro album di famiglia del terrorismo italiano, Venezia: Marsilio editore, 2014, 400 p., ISBN-13: 978-8831717533, 22 euro.

In 2001, after six years of preparatory work by academics and European Commission civil servants, a White Paper on European governance was published. In this document, participation plays a crucial role. A precise semantic analysis of corresponding European Commission publications enables to present a detailed characterisation of the discursive regime of European participative governance. This characterisation highlights the numerous convergences between the discourse of participative governance and the neoliberal ideology. This participative governance discourse may be understood as an attempt to both imagine and legitimate a political system aimed at governing European people in a historical phase of domination of the neoliberal ideology in Europe.

From 1995 to 2000, academics and European Commission (EC) civil servants participated in a seminar organised by the EC and dedicated to the governance of the European Union. The main outcome of this seminar was the publication of the White Paper on European Governance in July 2001. This White Paper focuses on the concept of " good governance " and presents five corresponding principles: openness, participation, accountability, effectiveness and coherence. Here, participation benefits from a special status since it is considered as a prerequisite for fulfilling the four other principles. Based on a semantic analysis of the corresponding EC publications, we propose a detailed characterisation of the discursive regime of European participative governance. A specificity of this discourse lies in its almost exclusive uptake of participation as " procedural " , as opposed to a possible " substantial " participation. I will then expose the convergences and divergences between both discursive regimes of European participative governance and of neoliberalism. In particular, I will show that their main divergence concerns the status that the discourse of participative governance confers to both bureaucracy and techno-scientific expertise. Finally, in the EC participative governance discourse, the promoted participation is the procedural participation of scientific and technical experts, coming from either the European bureaucracy or the organised civil society, and not the participation of lay European citizens.