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Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Life, Death and Power -- The Wounded and Mutilated Body -- Part I: The Wounded Body -- Part II: The Mutilated Body -- Understanding Living Death -- References -- Part I: The Wounded Body -- Chapter 2: Necropolitics: From Corpse to Body -- Death and Decentering -- Part 1: The Narco-Thanatopolitical Axis -- Techniques of Visualization -- Techniques of Representation -- Part 2: The Necropolitical Axis and a Collapse of Representation -- References -- Chapter 3: The Wounded Body: A Necropolitics of Living Death -- Part 1: Living Death Through the Wound -- A Wounded Conatus -- Part 2: Navigating Death-Moving Inside and Outside -- Moving Inside -- Moving Outside -- References -- Chapter 4: Necropolitics and Resistance: The Autodefensa Movement -- Resistance and Death -- Part 1: Rise and Regulation -- Resistance Beyond Regulation: A Brief Detour Through Aquila -- Part 2: Fall and Prolonged Exposure to Death -- References -- Part II: The Mutilated Body -- Chapter 5: Thanatopolitics: Mutilating Autodefensas -- Mutilation and Mexico: An Introduction to the Bond -- Becoming-Fuerza Rural -- Ghosts in the Body-Machine: An Unintelligible Fuerza Rural -- Purification and Disbandment: Machinic Enslavement Mark II -- References -- Chapter 6: Mutilation Extended -- Part 1: Primitive Mutilation -- Pronapred: Mutilating the Population -- Part 2: Disciplining the (Mutilated) Body -- Slipping the Bond: Wounding Mutilation -- References -- Chapter 7: Making Killable: (Pure) Violence and a Suicidal State -- Mutilation and the Death World: From Transcendental to Immanent Violence -- Pure Violence -- State Violence in Apatzingán -- A Suicidal State -- References -- Chapter 8: Necropolitics: Governing by the Campfire -- The Campfire -- Necropolitics: A Politics of Life and Death -- References -- Index

This article explores the governing logics and political implications of citizen security in Puebla, Mexico, specifically, the Programa Nacional de Prevención del Delito (National Program for the Prevention of Crime, PRONAPRED). Taking a biopolitical perspective, the article centers on how citizens are produced through the application of citizen security initiatives. This production operates at two levels: the regulation of populations and the molding of subjects. First, vital statistics and risk-related variables highlight those populations that exceed the median for risk. Second, those at-risk groups are targeted for training to reduce their susceptibility to violence. Training focuses on the individual, asking citizens to identify and minimize risk in a manner that emanates from and contributes to security governance. The political ontology of citizen security is this citizen/citizenry coincident with official measures. The democratic aspirations of citizen security are consequently muted, as security governance locates citizens within the confines of state power and, at the same time, holds them separate from this power to produce citizen existence.

This article explores the governing logics and political implications of citizen security in Puebla, Mexico, specifically, the Programa Nacional de Prevención del Delito (National Program for the Prevention of Crime, PRONAPRED). Taking a biopolitical perspective, the article centers on how citizens are produced through the application of citizen security initiatives. This production operates at two levels: the regulation of populations and the molding of subjects. First, vital statistics and risk-related variables highlight those populations that exceed the median for risk. Second, those at-risk groups are targeted for training to reduce their susceptibility to violence. Training focuses on the individual, asking citizens to identify and minimize risk in a manner that emanates from and contributes to security governance. The political ontology of citizen security is this citizen/citizenry coincident with official measures. The democratic aspirations of citizen security are consequently muted, as security governance locates citizens within the confines of state power and, at the same time, holds them separate from this power to produce citizen existence. ResumenEste articulo explora las lógicas gobernantes y las implicaciones políticas de la seguridad ciudadana en Puebla, México. Analizado en relación a la Programa Nacional de Prevención del Delito (PRONAPRED), el articulo pregunta: ¿quién es el ciudadano de la seguridad ciudadana? Examinado desde una perspectiva de la biopolítica, el enfoque se centra en cómo los ciudadanos son producidos por medio de la aplicación de iniciativas de la seguridad ciudadana. Esta producción opera a dos niveles: la regulación de poblaciones y el moldeo de sujetos. En primer lugar, la población es interpretada por las estadísticas vitales y las variables de riesgo para mostrar las poblaciones que exceden el promedio. En segundo lugar, y en base de eso, los grupos riesgosos son el objeto de entrenamiento para reducir su susceptibilidad a la violencia. El entrenamiento se centra en los sujetos individuales, pidiendo a los ciudadanos a identificar y minimizar el riesgo en una manera que emerge de y contribuye a la gobernanza de seguridad. La fundación ontológica de la seguridad ciudadana es esta ciudadano/ciudadanía consistente con las racionalidades oficiales. Las aspiraciones democráticas de la seguridad ciudadana consecuentemente son reducidos, dado que la gobernanza de seguridad ubica a los ciudadanos dentro de los límites del poder estatal, y al mismo tiempo, los mantiene separados de ese poder para reproducir la existencia ciudadana.

AbstractThis paper charts the mechanics of civic responsibility in preventing violence. Attention centers on divergent practices of responsibilization in Puebla, Mexico, which emanate from both state rationales associated with citizen security initiatives and from community-based measures that confound such official logics. Situated in the workings of governmentality beyond advanced liberalism, the paper proposes a decentering of responsibilization. This requires two steps. First, analysis returns to governmentality as the intersection of technologies of domination and the self but locates the former in relation to nomos rather than logos. That is, responsibilization occurs not exclusively in relation to codes of conduct consistent with official determinations (logos) but also as a socially developed order that exceeds the political, economic, and rational dimensions of government (nomos). Second, it positions technologies of the self amid Michel Foucault's work on the empiricohistorical construction of care of the self. This is a situated care, wherein a responsible individual emerges from the constituent complexity of the social order and her interdependence with other living forms. Far from an art of government wherein individual participation becomes the corollary to the withdrawal of the state, civic responsibility in Puebla is socially embedded and, therefore, need not align with institutional power.

A vigilant subject foregrounds the terrorist event, working immanently to its development and disrupting its realisation. Individuals are tasked with spotting the antecedents of future attacks in the present so as to ward off catastrophe and with being mindful of processes of radicalisation so as to counsel against extremism. A vigilant subject monitors others – as much as himself or herself – according to proscribed conduct, while at the same time he or she co-evolves with uncertainty in order to prevent emergent threats: be they those yet to materialise (signs of an attack) or yet to be even thought of (signs of radicalisation). This vigilant subject is explored through two cases: the British Transport Police campaign to make commuters aware of, and report, terror-related activity and the Prevent duty that asks university staff to limit students being drawn into terrorism.

Recent analysis on New Regionalism has, for Bjorn Hettne, raised important ontological questions over 'what we study when we study regionalism'. The paper contributes to this debate by focusing on the shared beliefs, norms and rituals that hold a region together. Working between the New Regionalism literature and thinking on international regimes, this paper - to paraphrase Friedrich Kratochwil and John Ruggie - outlines the 'inescapable inter-subjective quality' of a region. This focus on inter-subjectivity seeks to improve on existing approaches that consider shared social structures as already fixed, and/or as autonomous constructs operating over and above regional actors. In order to appreciate how inter-subjective structures and regional agents interact with each other, the paper explores the social construction of Latin America. Specifically, it examines the politics of regionness - understood here in relation to identity, space and agents - to demonstrate how various regional actors operate within, and reconstruct, shared meaning. In so doing, it interrogates the practices that govern and continually produce the region. Adapted from the source document.