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This research examines the positive influence of democracy and economic liberalism on citizens' quality of life (QOL). The statistical analysis relies on extreme-bounds analysis, the Tobit-maximum likelihood estimator, and robust two-stage least squares to test this hypothesis. The relationship between democracy and QOL is a parabolic inverted U-shaped curve, so that democracy first enhances QOL and over time it hampers it. On the other hand, QOL strengthens democracy. QOL suffers from a market economy in middle-income countries. Openness to trade enhances QOL everywhere but sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East. A market economy consolidates democracy everywhere else but sub-Saharan Africa. Openness enhances democracy around the globe, except in Latin America and the Middle East. Economic development and QOL exhibit a reciprocal normal U-shaped curve, whereas democracy and economic development are linearly dependent. These contradictory results cast some doubt on the pursuit of both democracy and a liberal economy in fostering development. The current pursuit of the liberal ethos can be destructive, and it is time to modify our vision of the future.

The massacre of refugees during the 1996–7 war in Congo illustrates the gap
between existing legal standards and their application, as the principle of
sovereignty rationalises states' behaviour against helpless people. This paper
assesses available information on the scale of the massacre, concluding that
about 232,000 refugees were killed. It argues that firmness in demanding
justice and protecting human rights does not require ignoring the objectives
of stability and prosperity for any country, but rather that it is the best way
of promoting those goals and strengthening state sovereignty within the international
community. To implement international law related to refugees
will require making states and non-state players responsible for their actions
to the international community, since any outflow of refugees creates negative
externalities or costs that are unequally borne by this community.

The primary argument of this article is that the disintegration of the military is a function of circumstances generated within civil-military relations. This argument seems to undermine Samuel Huntington's military subordination through either subjective or objective controls. In looking at the Congolese situation, this analysis relies on Morris Janowitz's idea of a politicized military corps to understand the rise and fall of General Mobutu Sese Seko. Janowitz's suggestion that the military is becoming more politicized, regardless of its level of professionalism, properly represents events in the Congo under General Mobutu. In fact, it was this high level of politicization that over time led to Mobutu's downfall. Using Janowitz's typology of the military in developing countries, this article focuses on several factors that explain why the military might fail to perform effectively in its mission of defending the state. Among these conditions are colonial legacy, economic survival, frequent military purges and reshuffling of top officers, regimental segmentation, poor recruiting and training programs, promotion of officers on the basis of subnational loyalty rather than combat experience, and the withdrawal of support from powerful patron states.

The massacre of refugees during the 1996-1997 war in Congo illustrates the gap between existing legal standards & their application, as the principle of sovereignty rationalizes states' behavior against helpless people. This paper assesess available information on the scale of the massacre, concluding that about 232,000 refugees were killed. It argues that firmness in demanding justice & protecting human rights does not require ignoring the objectives of stability & prosperity for any country, but rather, that it is the best way of promoting those goals & strengthening state sovereignty within the international community. To implement international law related to refugees will require making states & nonstate players responsible for their actions to the international community, since any outflow of refugees creates negative externalities or costs that are unequally borne by this community. 94 References. Adapted from the source document.

Discusses obstacles to establishment of democracy and peaceful economic and social development, arising from the institutionalization of ethnicity, export oriented economies, militarization, and the rise to power of rebel presidents; since the 1970s. Includes comment by Carolyn M. Shaw; defines Central Africa as including Angola, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Peoples' Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia.