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AbstractIn this article, we tackle the issue of sorting at the metropolitan area by utilizing an alternative methodological approach that permits us to avoid problems plaguing earlier studies. For this analysis, we take two Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) as our test cases: the Houston MSA and the Atlanta MSA. For each metropolitan area, we employ Monte Carlo computer simulations to randomly create a large number of metropolitan "jurisdictional" groupings. Based upon these Monte Carlos, we are able to estimate the level of jurisdictional homogeneity that is attributable to random chance. The observed levels of sorting, including the increasing homogeneity as populations decrease, are entirely consistent with what one might find if clusters of households were randomly grouped together into municipalities.

The fact that political parties hold competitive nomination contests that require voters to choose among multiple candidates leaves open the possibility that the contest itself could damage the prospects of an eventual nominee. In this study, we employ the American National Election Study panel survey data from the 2008 U.S. presidential election to assess the impact of the Democratic Party nomination process on candidate evaluations and general election vote preference. We find evidence that Barack Obama had greater difficulty uniting his party than his Republican counterpart due to the fact that Clinton voters were slow to coalesce around Obama. These supporters failed to report higher levels of favorability until Clinton conceded the race in the summer, while Huckabee and Romney voters were seen rallying to their party's nominee in the spring. In the end, many Clinton primary voters either abstained from voting in November or crossed over to support the Republican nominee.El hecho de que los partidos políticos realicen contiendas de nominaciones competitivas que exijan a los votantes elegir entre múltiples candidatos crea la posibilidad de que la contienda en sí misma perjudique las expectativas del candidato ganador. En este estudio, empleamos datos de una encuesta de ANES sobre las elecciones presidenciales del 2008 en los Estados Unidos para determinar el impacto del proceso de nominación presidencial del Partido Demócrata en la evaluación de los candidatos y las preferencias electorales generales. Encontramos evidencia de que Barack Obama tuvo una mayor dificultad unificando su partido que su equivalente Republicano debido a que partidarios de Clinton fueron lentos en sumarse a Obama. Estos partidarios no reportaron altos niveles de apoyo hasta que Clinton confirió la contienda en el verano, mientras que partidarios de Huckabee y Romney se concentraron en el candidato de su partido desde la primavera. Al final, muchos votantes adeptos a Clinton se abstuvieron de votar en noviembre o decidieron apoyar al candidato Republicano.

The major parties in the United States use primary elections to select party candidates for general elections. While most employ a simple plurality vote rule for this purpose, some states, primarily southern, employ a majority rule that requires a runoff between the top two vote recipients if no candidate receives a majority in the initial primary. Data on primaries for state Governor and U.S. Senator from 1980 to 2002 are used to examine contemporary concerns about runoffs. Included in the findings are (1) the problem that majority runoffs address candidates being selected based on low levels of voter support is not a frequent outcome under the plurality rule; (2) the vast majority of selections is based on a majority of votes in a primary, regardless of whether a simple plurality or majority is required; and (3) runoff primaries are necessary in roughly one-third of the contested primaries held in the majority vote context, and in about one-third of them the primary leader loses the runoff. [Copyright 2008 Elsevier Ltd.]

State and local governments in the Federal system -- The setting for contemporary Georgia politics -- Georgia's constitution -- Voting and elections -- Political parties and interest groups -- The Legislature -- The Executive Branch -- The legal system -- Local government and politics -- Public policies

By state law, graduates of public colleges and universities in Georgia must demonstrate proficiency with both the U.S. and Georgia constitutions. This widely used textbook helps students to satisfy that requirement, either in courses or by examination.

"The Millennial Generation, the age cohort born from the early 1980s to the late 1990s, is the most educated, digitally connected, and globalized in the history of the world. Around the globe, Millennials encompass 1.8 billion people, a quarter of the world's population. The size of the Millennial Generation means that they will soon produce a majority of political, economic, and social leaders. It is therefore important to understand how the Millennial Generation may respond in an era of rapid change and uncertainty, shaped by factors such as a global pandemic, economic hardship, demands for racial justice, and the retrenchment of the United States from the global stage. Making sense of what is to come requires a deeper understanding of what defines the Millennial Generations' persona, their attachment to various identities, how they perceive the need for change, and the tools they will utilize to bring about change. Citizens of the World explores the political attitudes and behaviors of Millennials relative to older adults across eight countries: Australia, Chile, Mexico, New Zealand, South Africa, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The book argues that Millennials share a core persona, one that differentiates between a traditional and an emerging global identity that shapes news consumption, political attitudes, civic engagement, public service, and beliefs about the ability to enact political change. In this first-of-its-kind comparative analysis, the authors find that Millennials are unique in a variety of ways that have important implications for domestic and international politics"--

The Millennial Generation, those born between the early 1980s and the late 1990s, is the most educated, digitally connected, and globalized in the history of the world. 'Citizens of the World' examines the Millennial Generation from a comparative perspective, providing insight into the degree to which generational differences in political attitudes and behaviors transcend cultures and borders. Drawing on data from Australia, Chile, Mexico, New Zealand, South Africa, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States, 'Citizens of the World' shows how Millennials' global identity has developed and how it fuels their policy attitudes and willingness to engage in the political world.