Why Germany wanted EMU: the role of Helmut Kohl's belief system and the fall of the Berlin Wall
In: German politics: Journal of the Association for the Study of German Politics, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 34-49
ISSN: 0964-4008
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In: German politics: Journal of the Association for the Study of German Politics, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 34-49
ISSN: 0964-4008
World Affairs Online
In: West European politics, Band 38, Heft 6, S. 1203-1225
ISSN: 0140-2382
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Band 45, Heft 5, S. 1089-1109
ISSN: 0021-9886
World Affairs Online
In: Politics and governance, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 54-67
ISSN: 2183-2463
Political leaders are often perceived as unresponsive to the daily concerns of citizens, especially when European integration is concerned. Academic research, however, provides at most mixed evidence for the existence of such a gap. This article tries to shed light on this discrepancy by introducing an alternative measure to study leaders' responsiveness - narrative congruence - and explores the assumption that responsiveness increases leaders' credibility in the eyes of their voters. As narrative congruence is a more intricate measure that captures leaders' and followers' policy preferences and argumentation, it may better capture the gap between their positions and therefore provide a more adequate explanation for citizens' support for their leaders than traditional congruence measures like issue saliency and ideological distance. To provide a first test of this, the technique of cognitive mapping is introduced and used to explore the congruence in beliefs on European integration of four Dutch political leaders and their followers. Although the study finds a significant gap between some leaders and their followers' narratives on Europe, it finds no evidence that this narrative congruence is related to the credibility of these leaders in the eyes of their followers. (author's abstract)
In: Non-State Actors in International Law, Politics and Governance Series
Reinalda, B.; Arts, B.; Noortmann, M.: Non-state actors in international relations: do they matter? - S. 1-8. Reinalda, B.: Private in form, public in purpose: NGOs in international relations theory. - S. 11-40. Arts, B.: International policy arrangements of state and non-state actors. - S. 41-58. Noortmann, M.: Non-state actors in international law. - S. 59-76. Weenink, A.: The relevance of being important or the importance of being relevant? State and non-state actors in international relations theory. - S. 79-92. Vollaard, H.: The de-territorialisation of political authority by the European Union. - S. 93-108. Esch, F.: Defining national preferences: the influence of international non-state actors. - S. 109-125. Verbeek, B.; Quarles van Ufford,, P.: Non-state actors in foreign policy making: a policy subsystem approach. - S. 127-144. Reinalda, B.; Verbeek, B.: Theorising power relations between NGOs, inter-governmental organisations and states. - S. 145-158. Roozendaal, G.: The influence of trade unions on the social clause controversy in the International Labour Organisation and its working party. - S. 161-176. Hogenboom, B.: Co-operation and discord: NGOs and the NAFTA. - S. 177-193. Arts, B.: The impact of environmental NGOs on international conventions. - S. 195-210. Kolk, A.: Multinational enterprises and international climate policy. - S. 211-225. Chabot, S.: Building transnational advocacy networks before 1965: diffusion from the Indian nationalist movement to the American civil rights movement. - S. 229-245. Biekart, K.: The impact of private aid agencies on civil society development. - S. 247-262. Bakker, E.: Early warning by NGOs in conflict areas. - S. 263-277. Weenink, A.: The Russian mafiya: a private actor in international relations? - S. 279-296. Noortmann, M.; Arts, B.; Reinalda, B.: The quest for unity in empirical and conceptual complexity. - S. 299-307
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