Suchergebnisse

Discusses the relationship between cartography, state power, & socially constructed perceptions of reality from the Renaissance to the end of the 19th century. It is argued that scientific & technological advancements in land surveying, map projection, & cartographic representation were not the result of a value-free progress of knowledge, but strongly influenced by history, ideology, & the desire to modernize state power. Although cartography served the basic function of geographic representation, it also served a variety of political functions, eg, bureaucratic organization in a territory, military advantage, & territorial rights delineation. Three overlapping stages of the relationship between cartography & power are considered: (1) Renaissance, ie, the abandonment of the antiquity worldview in favor of socioculturally influenced cartography directed at the world & patrimony of the monarch; (2) Baroque & neoclassical, ie, cartography aimed at inspection of metropolitan areas, consolidation of the colonies, & the possibility of territorial expansion; & (3) 19th century, ie, standardized methods of land surveying & cartography reflecting the boundaries of the established nation-state. 2 Figures, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Drawing inferences about individual behavior from aggregate ecological data has been a persistent problem in electoral and behavioral studies, in spite of important methodological advances. In a recent article Anselin and Tam Cho (2002) provided Monte Carlo evidence that King's Ecological Inference (EI) solution will produce biased estimates in the presence of extreme spatial heterogeneity. In this article we provide further empirical evidence that supports their findings and shows that in the presence of spatial effects the residuals of Goodman's naïve model exhibit the same spatial structure that King's local
BBi
estimates. Solving for extreme spatial heterogeneity, it is argued here, requires controlling the omitted variable bias expressed in the spatial structure of much ecological data. In this article we propose a Geographically Weighted Regression approach (GWR) for solving problems of spatial aggregation bias and spatial autocorrelation that affect all known methods of ecological inference. The estimation process is theoretically intuitive and computationally simple, showing that a well‐specified GWR approach to Goodman and King's Ecological Inference methods may result in unbiased and consistent local estimates of ecological data that exhibit extreme spatial heterogeneity.

Are women and men in positions of authority judged differently? If a gender evaluation gap exists, is it due to persistent stereotypes or notions of gender solidarity? We explore gender differences in judgement through a survey experiment in Argentina with a national sample of 4,068 employees. Respondents were asked to recommend a salary increase for a "bad boss" whose behavior was characterized as aggressive and at the limit of what is fair and appropriate. The survey experiment measures the extent to which respondents punish and reward female and male managers differently. The main finding is that women are more likely to punish male bad bosses, and men are more likely to punish female bad bosses. We explain variation as a function of respondents' social and personal networks. Study findings carry significant implications for the study of the gender pay gap.

ABSTRACTThis study examines the extent to which priming voters on the trustworthiness of candidates or that of their parties elicits candidatecentric or partycentric attitudes. The analysis provides evidence of the trade-off for voters between mavericks and party insiders in presidential elections. It shows that voters are sensitized to the risks of electing a candidate with no party support, but in the particular case of Argentina, they still consider the candidates' qualities to be more important than those of their parties. The results show that priming on the trustworthiness of candidates elicits stronger responses from low-income voters, who already have prior candidatecentric inclinations. The findings also reveal statistical differences in vote choice when respondents are primed with party- or candidatecentric frames.

La teoría de la coordinación estratégica electoral explica cómo se integran las preferencias de los votantes entre los distritos asumiendo la existencia de un sistema de partidos de alcance nacional que unifica horizontalmente la oferta política. La teoría estándar sobre partidos responsables presume que su existencia fortalece la democracia al debilitar el carácter parroquial de la representación local e integrar las agendas políticas en una sola de alcance nacional. Ambas teorías dan por sentado normativamente la necesidad de un proceso denominado "nacionalización" del sistema político que permitiría la integración nacional de los electorados y las élites en un solo escenario de competencia política. En los estados democráticos multinivel las presunciones de la teoría de la nacionalización encuentran serias limitaciones para su aplicación por la presencia de distintos escenarios institucionales entre los niveles de gobierno y también entre las unidades que los componen. Este trabajo se propone investigar comparativamente el impacto de la diversidad y el cambio institucional sobre la nacionalización política en dos estados Federales latinoamericanos que presentan dinámicas institucionales opuestas: Argentina y Brasil, evaluando la factibilidad de situaciones de equilibrio democrático en condiciones de baja integración del sistema político. Con este propósito, se aplican y desarrollan un conjunto de índices y modelos para el análisis de las dimensiones estática, dinámica y de congruencia de la nacionalización, que incluyen operacionalmente la dependencia espacial de las variables de voto.