Suchergebnisse

We now live in an age of unhidden gender wars where direct violence occurs within online and offline spaces. These online spaces on Facebook, Twitter or Instagram become venues for attacks on gender and woman's rights, as well as its intersection with race and ethnicity. Such online hate expressions and networked harassments channelled towards women provide clues for us, social scientists, to understand the underlying dynamics/nature of misogyny. In this paper, by studying the online misogynistic narratives developed around the Istanbul Convention as a counter movement, I aim to highpoint the conservative and polarizing discourses that frames gender-based violence as acceptable in Turkey. More specifically I show how Twitter can be used as a platform for anti- feminist and misogynistic groups, aiming violence and hostility directly at women and their rights. As these tweets illustrate, the right-wing populist and anti-gender discourses and conservative and authoritarian politics, are being implemented on many fronts and social media is one of them. ; Establishing networked misogyny as a counter movement: The analysis of the online anti-Istanbul convention presence ; publishedVersion

In assessing how politicians generate population politics through parliamentary debates, I am interested in the discursive construction of such debates. Political debates are important contexts, influencing, and also being influenced by larger cultural processes drawing the boundaries of citizenship. This article carries out comparative and multi-method analyses of normative, religious and communicative dimensions of the population politics unfolding in the Turkish parliament. Through the analysis of parliamentary debates between 2008–2016 on the issue of population politics, I study how the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) addresses the population in order to stop the decline of fertility rates and promote higher fertility rates. I argue that the politicians of AKP affect public reasoning by circulating discourses such as slogans or public declarations while simultaneously postponing agendas for significant policy change. I further show that the oppositional parties' debates in the parliament likewise enable political ideas to be disseminated and political discourses to be part of the public sentiments. ; publishedVersion

After years of progress in terms of gender and sexual rights, since 2012 Europe is facing a so-called gender backlash – opposition directed to issues related to reproductive policies and abortion, violence against women, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) rights and gay marriages, gender mainstreaming and sex education at schools as well as antidiscrimination policies. In this article, firstly, by taking the anti-gender developments as point of reference, I examine the emergence of anti-gender movement in Europe via the use of what I call troll science. Troll science is based on (distorted) scientific arguments moulded into populist discourse, creating an alternative narrative on the conceptions of gender equality. Similar to troll accounts posting provocative, superfluous and even off-topic messages on social media to start arguments and quarrels aiming to distract, troll science, I argue, creates an alternative narrative opposing the scientific facts and discourses (i.e. climate change, evolution, vaccination and gender theory). Later, I discuss the emerging conservative troll-scientific discourses and the gendered public normative order of Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP; Justice and Development Party) government, under the New Turkey. I previously argued that New Turkey and the society under the party's rule perpetuated by a new set of standards create an alternative narrative on the conceptions of gender equality through troll-science narratives. I concluded by showing how such ideological discourses help create emotional echo chambers – enabling its fast distribution and acceptance by the ideologically conservative groups. ; publishedVersion

Introduction. Alberta Giorgi; Hande Eslen-Ziya -- Part 1. Theory -- Pseudo-science in Populism, Hande Eslen-Ziya -- The Role of Experts in Populist Politics: an Overview, Liv Sunnercrantz and T. Murat Yildirim -- The Whirl of Knowledge in Twitter: (anti-)populist hegemony challengers, Emilia Palonen -- Part 2. The European Level -- The EU's answer to climate populism - Stringent and appropriate?, Thomas Sattich -- Populists' Framings of the COVID-19 Pandemic and their Opponents in the EU Parliament, Carlo Berti and Carlo Ruzza -- Part 3. National Case Studies -- The anti-vax movement in Spain and in Italy. A reflection on the problematic relationship between science, politics and public opinion in late modernity, Clemente Penalva and Luca Raffini -- Qanon and conspiracy theories – the Italian case, Maria Francesca Murru -- Populist politics of counterknowledge: anti-gender campaigns in Poland, Elżbieta Korolczuk -- Greenwashing Reactionary Movements. On Populist Instrumentalization of Environmental Issues, Gildas Renou -- Anti-gender politics as a democratic challenge in Norway's populist moment , Elisabeth Lund Engebretsen -- Between Populism and Popular Citizenship in Science Conflict, Mette Marie Roslyng -- Inconvenient truths? Populist epistemology and the case of Portugal, Alberta Giorgi -- Linking Covid-19-related socio-economic anxieties with right-wing populism: A comparison between Europe and the United States, Gilles Ivaldi and Oscar Mazzoleni. .

Moral politics, neoliberal governmentality, and gender -- Discourse to emotion framework: how to read hutbes as data sources? -- How do public narratives serve for neoliberal governmentality? -- Manipulation, discipline and regulation: the discursive construction of expertise and social policy -- Deliberation, contestation, and the boundaries of neoliberal governmentality.

The creation of Turkish nationhood, citizenship, economic transformation, the forceful removal of minorities and national homogenisation, gender rights, the position of armed forces in politics, and the political and economic integration of Kurdish minority in Turkish polity have all received major interest in academic and policy debates. The relationship between politics and religion in Turkey, originating from the early years of the Republicanism, has been central to many - if not all - of these issues. This book looks at how centralized religion has turned into a means of controlling and organizing the Turkish polity under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) governments by presenting the results from a study on Turkish hutbes (mosque sermons), analysing how their content relates to gender roles and identities. The book argues that the political domination of a secular state as an agency over religion has not suppressed, but transformed, religion into a political tool for the same agency to organise the polity and the society along its own ideological tenets. It looks at how this domination organises gender roles and identities to engender human capital to serve for a neoliberal economic developmentalism. The book then discusses the limits of this domination, reflecting on how its subjects position themselves between the politico-religious authority and their secular lives. Written in an accessible format, this book provides a fresh perspective on the relationship between religion and politics in the Middle East. More broadly, it also sheds light on global moral politics and illiberalism and why it relates to gender, religion and economics.

Abstract
This article attempts to show how government-supported women's NGOs (GO-NGOs) in Turkey actively contribute to the construction of neoliberal, conservative, antigender discourses of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government. Since the second decade of the 2000s, Turkey has undergone rapid de-democratization as a result of AKP's election victories, which have brought with them a major backlash against gender equality policies. Moreover, a new political discourse constructed by the government has replaced the concept of gender equality with gender justice and gender equity. Relying on seven semistructured in-depth interviews with members of GO-NGOs and a review of primary and secondary documents, this article contends that the civil society established under the so-called New Turkey situates it in the construction of antigender and antiwomen's rights discourse.

This article is an endeavour to explore the changing networking strategies of women's non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey over the last decade. We delineate the shifts and changes during what we call the de-democratization process where secular women's organizations face significant constraints and difficulties while networking and lobbying the government. Under these constrained conditions, yet, secular women's organizations make an exceptional effort to sustaining their lobbying activities and changing their networking strategies as well as partners. Relying on the related literature and 26 semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with activist members of these organizations with about a 15-year time difference, this paper contends that Turkish women's organizations under the New Turkey are forced to find alternative allies and adjust their velvet triangles of support. Though their strategies were similar in some ways, the type of partnerships formed and who these partners are changed from the first and second decade of the 2000s. Thus, the paper shows how the secular women's organizations adapt to new resources as they mobilize and how they shift away from employing the single target approach to double while changing their initial networking and collaboration partners. ; publishedVersion