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In Portugal, a so-called Parity Law was approved in August 2006. According to that law, all lists presented for local, legislative, and European elections must guarantee a minimum representation of 33.3 per cent for each sex. Parties that do not respect this minimum are fined. The approval of that law places Portugal within a global trend for the adoption of such measures. This trend has intensified greatly over the last 15 years, and at the moment, more than one hundred countries have gender quotas for political office (Franceschet, Krook, and Piscopo 2012, 3). Although political gender quotas are the oldest and by far the most common ones, two further generations (Holli 2011) or groups (Meier 2013) of gender quotas have recently appeared in several countries: gender quotas for advisory boards and for boards of publicly listed and state-owned companies. Up until very recently, these two additional types of quotas were not present in Portugal, and quotas were synonymous with electoral gender quotas. However, in August 2017, a law aiming to achieve a more equilibrated representation of women and men in the administrative and fiscal organs of listed and state-owned companies was adopted. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

This article argues that in Cuban Creole espiritismo practices, ritually generated 'knowledge' has ontological, rather than just epistemological, effects, independent of the role of cognition. I will show that knowledge is experienced as a fluid, moving 'substance' external to the body that can accumulate, weigh down, hang suspended, and dissipate; it is also responsive to mediums' descriptive speech, becoming an object of vision‐knowledge at the same time that it is seen and spoken of collectively. I will also show that the circulation of knowledge 'substances' should be seen not as metaphorical but as tied to processes of making people, and ask whether knowledge can figure not just as something intersubjective or relational but as something substantive, even physiological.

Marie Christine Volovitch-Tavares est historienne. Depuis les années 90 elle travaille sur l´immigration portugaise en France. Elle est auteure du livre « Portugais à Champigny, le temps des baraques ». Son travail de recherche se penche sur des thèmes aussi variés que les bidonvilles des années 60, les exilés politiques ou le rôle de la religion catholique dans l´intégration des portugais. De 2003 à 2007 elle a été membre du Comité des historiens qui ont participé à la création de la Cité Nationale de l´Histoire de l´Immigration (CNHI-France). ; Marie Christine Volovitch-Tavares é historiadora. Desde os anos 90 trabalha sobre a imigração portuguesa em França. É autora do livro "Portugais à Champigny, le temps des baraques". O seu trabalho trata de temas tão diversos como os bidonvilles nos anos 60, os exilados políticos e o papel da religião católica na integração dos portugueses. De 2003 a 2007 foi membro do comité de historiadores que participaram na criação da Cité Nationale de l´Histoire de l´Immigration (CNHI-França).

Defence date: 13 December 2011 ; Examining Board: Professor Mark Franklin (EUI, Supervisor) Professor Joni Lovenduski (University of London, External Co-Supervisor) Professor Mona Lena Krook (Washington University in St. Louis) Professor Fabrizio Bernardi (EUI) ; First made available online 3 April 2019 ; Most of the studies on political underrepresentation have tried to explain the factors that account for the underrepresentation of some groups in political power. The present research project focuses on the link between descriptive and symbolic representation and seeks to understand what consequences a more proportional political environment produces on the attitudes of both underrepresented and overrepresented groups towards the political system. Women remain among the least politically represented groups and therefore this project focuses on and analyses them in various political positions. Two dimensions of the relationship between citizens and politics are analysed: the level of political engagement and the evaluation of the political system. While there is a clear gender gap in the former, the same does not apply to the latter. This dissertation reaches three important achievements. The first one is to develop the first theoretical framework of the potential causal mechanisms that are likely to operate behind the impact that female politicians have on both women and men. The second is to show that men can indeed be positively influenced but mainly to clarify that the way they evaluate the political system is nearly the only way they are affected – their level of political engagement does not change. The third achievement is to show that, while most scholarship has been focusing on the topic political involvement, the presence of female politicians seems to be more connected to the way women evaluate the political system. This means that the 'role model effect' is not the main mechanism at work here. Instead, the idea that the presence of women is necessary to represent women's interests and the fact that they are seen as bringing something new into the political world appear more influential factors. Altogether the signs of the impact of the presence of female politicians are modest.

Parties' motivation to include locals depends on the characteristics of the electoral system. This article analyzes where on the lists parties choose to position locals under closed-list proportional representation systems. Furthermore, it also investigates how that choice varies depending on two key district factors, namely district magnitude and whether or not the district is in a peripheral region. To that end, it draws on an original biographical data set of candidates for the Portuguese National Parliament (1983, 1995, 2002, 2005 and 2009). The findings show that there are fewer locals among the higher positions on the candidates' lists and among heads of lists. District magnitude and peripheral region effects go in the expected direction, but these effects are small. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

In examining what the presence of female politicians symbolize to citizens, especially to women, scholars have sought to empirically prove whether it enhances the legitimacy of, closeness to, and satisfaction with political institutions, as well as levels of political efficacy and participation. By taking stock of the burgeoning quantitative research examining the symbolic effects of women's descriptive representation on citizens' political attitudes and behavior, we will discuss the main empirical and methodological challenges that may have led scholars to reach at best mixed results, to identify merely modest effects or to not find any trace of them. These challenges include difficulties in properly establishing the causal effects and in operationalizing the dependent variable as well as a dearth of adequate data. Our contribution discusses the advantages provided by new methodological avenues, such as survey experiments vis-à-vis standard public opinion surveys, to circumvent the shortcomings identified. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

A arte contemporânea e as transformações sofridas no século XX. Das vanguardas às novas tendências. Das formas assimétricas, rudes e chocantes, a arte nas ruas, fora dos museus, desestetizada, do pastiche. O surgimento de novos conceitos artísticos buscando libertação contra o Moderno e o moderno vanguardista, seu hermetismo e subjetivismo, engendram a antiarte e seus movimentos singulares de representação do cotidiano. A sociedade do consumo e da informação como plano de fundo artístisco produzindo uma arte que não só imita, ela é a própria vida.

Esta contribuição centra-se nas mensagens dos programas dos partidos concorrentes às eleições europeias durante a campanha eleitoral de 2009. O conteúdo dos programas dos partidos eleitorais reflete sua importância política e ideológica e serve como uma base fundamental para a compreensão do lugar e posições relativamente ao seu projeto para o desenvolvimento do Estado. A importância dos programas dos partidos eleitorais é evidente a partir do que eles refletem ou deveriam refletir, em termos de conceito político do Estado a nível nacional, bem como, a partir de uma perspectiva política mais ampla, na Europa e em termos internacionais. O ponto de partida para esta pesquisa é o pressuposto de que a ideologia é uma categoria política fundamental, apesar de sua perda de impacto e de relevância social e política em Estados democráticos ocidentais, pelo menos desde finais dos anos sessenta. Esta análise da pesquisa considera como corpus de trabalho os programas dos cinco principais partidos políticos portugueses na campanha para as eleições europeias de 2009. Este estudo socorre-se da aplicação da técnica de análise de conteúdo ao programa partidos políticos (com representação parlamentar nacional) para eleições europeias de 2009 e incide sobre a ideologia como uma categoria central, bem como sobre vários outros importantes conceitos políticos básicos nos programas a analisar. Os resultados incidirão sobre a importância da ideologia e dos valores políticos dos principais partidos políticos Portugueses em relação às suas propostas, a sua visão e seus projetos para o Estado português, bem como no plano da representação europeia.