Suchergebnisse

Resumen: El presente estudio tiene como objetivo describir la relación entre la memoria de eventos y personajes históricos y la identidad nacional peruana a partir de la comparación de respuestas obtenidas de cadetes de una escuela naval (n = 113), cadetes de una escuela militar (n = 118) y estudiantes de una universidad privada de Lima (n = 115). Los resultados muestran una valoración más positiva de la historia y una mayor identificación con el Perú en cadetes de ambas instituciones educativas castrenses, en comparación con los estudiantes universitarios. Estos hallazgos sugieren la relevancia de las narrativas históricas transmitidas en las instituciones de formación académica, sean estas castrenses o cívicas, como fuentes de sesgos de representación de la historia y el impacto que estas representaciones tienen en la identidad nacional. ; Abstract: This study aims to describe the relationship among the memory of historical events and characters and the Peruvian national identity by comparing responses obtained from cadets from a naval school (n=113), cadets from a military school (n= 118) and students from a private university in Lima (n= 115). The results show a more positive evaluation of the history and greater levels of identification with Peru in cadets of both military educational institutions, compared to university students. These findings suggest the relevance of historical narratives transmitted in academically forming institutions as sources of storytelling biases according with military or civic traditions, and how these representations are related to national identity.

This article reviews the definition of corruption and its individual, macro and micro-social correlates. In an experimental field study with a representative Peruvian sample (N = 1254), participants were informed of a highly effective legal management of corruption control (95% of cases were tried and punished) versus a control of low efficacy (only 5% were tried and punished). The induced information on the effectiveness in the control and sanction of corruption led to a greater perception of collective efficacy in dealing with deviation and a better balance of socio-emotional climate in the high-efficacy group. The most effective experimental induction interacted with interest in politics and produced a greater perception of efficacy in the control of corruption and a better balance of socio-emotional climate in people of high interest. Additionally, it is observed that the identification with Peru increased only in people who previously trusted the justice system (judicial power) and who were informed of a high efficiency of corruption control. The results are discussed within the framework of the group dynamics of control of deviance and group identity and the importance of the institutional context and the level of interest in politics. ; Este artículo revisa la definición de corrupción y sus correlatos individuales, macro y micro sociales. En un estudio de campo experimental con una muestra representativa peruana (N= 1,254), se informó a los participantes de una gestión jurídica del control de la corrupción de alta eficacia (un 95% de los casos fueron juzgados y sancionados) versus un control de baja eficacia (solo un 5% fue juzgado y sancionado). La información inducida sobre la eficacia en el control y sanción de la corrupción provocó una mayor percepción de eficacia colectiva para tratar la desviación y una mejor balanza de clima socioemocional en el grupo de alta eficacia. La inducción experimental de mayor eficacia interactuó con el interés en la política y produjo mayor percepción de eficacia en el control de corrupción y mejor balanza de clima socioemocional en las personas de alto interés. Adicionalmente, se observa que la identificación con el Perú aumentó solo en las personas que confiaban previamente en el sistema de justicia (poder judicial) y que fueron informadas de una alta eficacia de control de la corrupción. Se discuten los resultados en el marco de la dinámica grupal de control de la desviación e identidad grupal y la importancia del contexto institucional y del nivel de interés en la política.

This article reviews the definition of corruption and its individual, macro and micro-social correlates. In an experimental field study with a representative Peruvian sample (N = 1254), participants were informed of a highly effective legal management of corruption control (95% of cases were tried and punished) versus a control of low efficacy (only 5% were triedand punished). The induced information on the effectiveness in the control and sanction of corruption led to a greater perception of collective efficacy in dealing with deviation and a better balance of socio-emotional climate in the high-efficacy group. The most effective experimental induction interacted with interest in politics and produced a greater percep-tion of efficacy in the control of corruption and a better balance of socio-emotional climate in people of high interest. Additionally, it is observed that the identification with Peru increased only in people who previously trusted the justice system (judicial power) and who were informed of a high efficiency of corruption control. The results are discussed within the framework of the group dynamics of control of deviance and group identity and the importance of the institutional context and the level of interest in politics. ; Este artículo revisa la definición de corrupción y sus correlatos individuales, macro y micro sociales. En un estudio de campo experimental con una muestra representativa peruana (N= 1,254), se informó a los participantes de una gestión jurídica del control de la corrupción de alta eficacia (un 95% de los casos fueron juzgados y sancionados) versus un control de baja eficacia (solo un 5% fue juzgado y sancionado). La información inducida sobre la eficacia en el control y sanción de la corrupción provocó una mayor percepción de eficacia colectiva para tratar la desviación y una mejor balanza de clima socioemocional en el grupo de alta eficacia. La inducción experimental de mayor eficacia interactuó con el interés en la política y produjo mayor percepción de eficacia en el control de corrupción y mejor balanza de clima socioemocional en las personas de alto interés. Adicionalmente, se observa que la identificación con el Perú aumentó solo en las personas que confiaban previamente en el sistema de justicia (poder judicial) y que fueron informadas de una alta eficacia de control de la corrupción. Se discuten los resultados en el marco de la dinámica grupal de control de la desviación e identidad grupal y la importancia del contexto institucional y del nivel de interés en la política. ; Cet article passe en revue la définition de la corruption et ses corrélats individuels, macro et microsociaux. Dans une étude de terrain expérimentale avec un échantillon péruvien représentatif (N = 1253), les participants ont été informés de la gestion juridique efficace (95% des cas ont été jugés) par rapport à inefficace (seulement 5% ont été jugés). La perception de l'efficacité du groupe induit a provoqué une plus grande perception de l'efficacité collective pour traiter la déviation et un meilleur climat émotionnel. L'induction expérimentale plus efficace a interagi avec l'intérêt pour la politique et a produit une plus grande perception de l'efficacité dans le contrôle de la corruption et un meilleur climat chez les personnes de grand intérêt. De plus, il est observé que l'identification avec le Pérou n'a augmenté que chez les personnes qui avaient auparavant confiance en la justice et qui étaient informées de l'efficacité élevée du contrôle des écarts. Les résultats sont discutés dans le cadre de la dynamique de groupe du contrôle de la déviation et de l'identité du groupe et de l'importance du contexte institutionnel et du niveau d'intérêt pour la politique. ; Este artigo analisa a definição de corrupção e os seus correlatos individuais, macro e microssociais. Num estudo de campo experimental, com uma amostra peruana representativa (N = 1254), os participantes foram informados que existia uma gestão legal eficaz no controlo da corrupção (95% dos casos foram julgados e punidos) versus ineficaz (apenas 5% foram julgados e punidos). A informação sobre a eficácia no controlo e punição da corrupção induziu maior percepção de eficácia coletiva no controlo do desvio e melhor clima emocional. A indução experimental mais efetiva interagiu com o interesse na política e produziu uma maior percepção de eficácia no controlo da corrupção e melhor clima na condição de eficácia elevada. Além disso, observa-se que a identificação com o Peru aumentou apenas em pessoas que confiavam previamente na justiça e que foram informadas sobre eficácia elevada no controlo de desvio. Os resultados são discutidos no âmbito da dinâmica de grupo de controle de desvio e identidade de grupo e a importância do contexto institucional e o nível de interesse em política.

El objetivo del estudio que se informa fue describir y analizar los componentes de la identidad nacional argentina y su relación con la orientación de la dominancia social (ODS) y la tolerancia a la transgresión normativa. Para tal fin, se realizaron encuestas a 170 sujetos que residían en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires y el Conurbano Bonaerense (República Argentina). Los resultados evidencian un grado de identificación medio-alto con la categoría social argentino, a la vez que muestran una autoestima colectiva medio-alta. Los atributos autoestereotípicos que conforman la identidad nacional comprenden tres dimensiones: argentino positivo, argentino negativo y argentino avivado. Esta última dimensión fue la que presentó mayor consenso entre los participantes, lo que sugiere que la viveza es percibida como una interface entre lo negativo y lo positivo por sus características adaptativas y funcionales. Los resultados muestran además que la ODS se relaciona inversamente con los componentes positivos, y directamente con los componentes negativos de la identidad nacional, lo que lleva a pensar que el ser argentino no necesariamente se vincula con el estatus o poder en personas dominantes. Finalmente, en relación con la tolerancia a la transgresión, los niveles de acuerdo con la misma son bajos en la muestra. Las caracterizaciones del argentino negativo y argentino avivado se vinculan con la tolerancia hacia ciertos comportamientos transgresores, especialmente con aquellos considerados menos graves y que no perjudican directamente a terceros. ; From early beginnings of the last century, the stereotypes and categorizations about the Argentineans where predominantly negative, both for foreigners as for Argentineans themselves (D'adamo & García Beaudoux, 1994). This lack of a positive nationalism has been related to the lack of adherence to the norm and corruption, as well as to the bias towards the European countries shown by the Argentinean society and its members. This negative social self-concept among Argentineans is not unique in the region, in fact, a study carried out in the 90's revealed that most of Latin American countries had negative national identities (Salazar, J. M. & Salazar, M. A., 1998). However, more recent studies carried out in countries such as Peru or Mexico suggest that there might be a shift in some aspects of their national identities, from a mainly negative one to a more ambivalent one, with some positive and some negative aspects. Some of these studies also evidenced certain relations between the national identity and other psychosocial variables such as the social dominance orientation (SDO) and the political ideology. Both high levels of SDO and a right wing political ideology had a negative impact on the different components of the national identity. These results may enlighten the study of the national identity in Argentina, that's why the aim of this study was to describe and analyze some components of the Argentinean national identity and their relationship to SDO and tolerance towards transgressive behaviors. To this end, a survey with 170 residents in Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires and its surroundings was carried out. Results showed middle-high levels of identification and collective self-esteem related to the Argentinean social category. The national self-stereotypes that conform Argentinean identity were gathered in three dimensions: Positive argentine, Negative argentine, and Crafty argentine. The last dimension was the most consensual among participants, suggesting that craftiness is perceived as an interface between the negative and positive self-stereotype dimensions, because of its functionality and adaptability characteristics. The results also showed that the SDO was inversely related to the positive dimension, and directly related to the negative dimension of national identity, which suggests that the Argentine social category is not linked to status or power in dominant people. Finally, scores of tolerance toward normative transgression were low in the sample. However, negative argentine and crafty argentine dimensions were more tolerant toward transgressor behaviors that could be considered less serious and not harmful to others. The results confirm the negative relation between the SDO and the positive national identity, although the causes of this relation are yet to be studied. The research also suggests that there might be a shift in some of the components and expressions of the national identity. As well as in other countries of Latin America, this shift is characterized for its ambivalence between some positive aspects and other negative ones. Perhaps this ambivalence is best characterized by the craftiness, where the negative aspects of norm transgression and individualism meet the positive aspects of social warmth, adaptability and creativity. As for further investigations, it's important to study how the different national identities interact with specific scenarios, and how this interaction has an impact on the individual behavior. Altogether, this kind of research helps to understand the national identity more deeply, and therefore, enlighten us to make a positive change in order to develop a healthy social identity, based on mutual trust and respect. ; Fil: Monsegur, Santiago. Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina ; Argentina ; Fil: Espinosa, Agustín. Pontificia Universidad Católica de Perú; Perú ; Fil: Beramendi, Maite Regina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

[EN] From a historical perspective, this paper discusses models for determining the prices of agro-food goods at Venezuela and their consequences. If the formation of real prices of agricultural raw materials and food away from forecasts of perfect markets due to the nature of agro-food markets and agricultural policies, as in other countries of the world, the Venezuelan case there be added the effects of the oil boom and political reforms that have been made since the arrival of President Hugo Chavez to power in February 1999. For the purposes of this article the analysis considers two stages: fi rst of all, the previous to the new National Constitution of 1999 and, in particularly, to the 2002 "Coup d´État"; and, secondly, for the events since then to the present day, period in which the Government has been introducing gradual but clear change towards a model of Socialist orientation of the functioning of the economy, including agro-food markets. As a result, it has been a move away from free markets and a remarkable increasing of the degree of intervention of the Government in the food chain, notably in retail prices and food distribution. Main results of this process allow advance that Venezuela has moved away from the food production and food security objectives as a priority from the Government itself ; [ES] Desde una perspectiva histórica, este artículo analiza los modelos de determinación de los precios de los bienes agroalimentarios en Venezuela y sus consecuencias. Si, como ocurre en otros países del mundo, la formación real de los precios de las materias primas agrícolas y los alimentos se aparta de las previsiones de los mercados perfectos por la naturaleza misma de los mercados agroalimentarios y las políticas agrarias, en el caso venezolano hay que añadir los efectos derivados del boom petrolero y las reformas políticas que se han realizado desde la llegada del presidente Hugo Chávez al poder en febrero de 1999. A los efectos del análisis considera dos etapas: en primer lugar, la anterior a la ...

The article presents a study about collective memories of the Internal Armed Conflict (IAC) in Peru (1980-2000) from the perspective of a group of health-care professionals providing services in the region that was most affected by political violence. A brief historical analysis of the IAC is presented. A qualitative design with 15 interviews based on Grounded Theory is used for analyzing the discourse of the participants, and accounting for collective memories of the conflict and the scares that the experience and memory of violence have left in the population and the health-care providers. The analysis focuses on four interrelated axes: (1) collective memories of conflict and its social and psychological consequences; (2) costs and benefits of narrating versus the costs of absence of narrating; (3) recovering memories as a way to overcome psychosocial trauma; and (4) direct experience, personal meanings and effects of exposure to victims' stories on the health-care providers. Results suggest a scenario of unrelenting psychosocial effects and possible re-traumatization, both in those directly affected and, in the health-care professionals treating them. In addition, central to the participants' discourse is the importance of acknowledging and claiming the right to construct the memory of the violent period as an act of justice, restoration, mental-health recovery, and strengthening of the social fabric. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

The article presents a study about collective memories of the Internal Armed Conflict (IAC) in Peru (1980-2000) from the perspective of a group of health-care professionals providing services in the region that was most affected by political violence. A brief historical analysis of the IAC is presented. A qualitative design with 15 interviews based on Grounded Theory is used for analyzing the discourse of the participants, and accounting for collective memories of the conflict and the scares that the experience and memory of violence have left in the population and the health-care providers. The analysis focuses on four interrelated axes: (1) collective memories of conflict and its social and psychological consequences; (2) costs and benefits of narrating versus the costs of absence of narrating; (3) recovering memories as a way to overcome psychosocial trauma; and (4) direct experience, personal meanings and effects of exposure to victims' stories on the health-care providers. Results suggest a scenario of unrelenting psychosocial effects and possible re-traumatization, both in those directly affected and, in the health-care professionals treating them. In addition, central to the participants' discourse is the importance of acknowledging and claiming the right to construct the memory of the violent period as an act of justice, restoration, mental-health recovery, and strengthening of the social fabric.

This study analyzes how people perceive world history on three continents: Latin America, Europe and Africa. A total of 1179 university students form Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Portugal, Spain, Guinea-Bissau, and Cape Verde were asked to evaluate world events and leaders in terms of their valence and importance. The results demonstrated that social representations of history show a Euro/North American-centric, long-term positive evaluation, recency, and socio- centric bias. Euro/North American-centric events and leaders were found to be rated as more important and were more positively perceived in general. Distant political events, like French or American Revolution, were considered to be more positive than XX century similar events, which supports the long-term positive evaluation bias hypothesis. The hypothesis on recency bias was partially substantiated. Confirming the existence of such bias, World War II was rated as more important than the previous XX century wars and revolutions. Socio-centric bias also received partial support. African participants rated Mandela as a more important leader than other participants did. Latin Americans rated Che Guevara less positively, which suggests that some leaders are generally idealized icons, not based on group belongingness. However, results did not bring support to the centrality of war hypothesis. Wars were indeed negatively evaluated and World War II was rated as an important and negative event. Nevertheless, war- and politics-related events were not perceived as more important than the Industrial Revolution, suggesting that people appraise the importance of long-term socioeconomic factors of history when responding to close-ended quantitative measures (vs. open-ended salience measures). Results are discussed in the framework of social representations of history. ; El estudio analiza como las personas perciben la historia mundial en tres continentes: Latinoamérica, Europa y África. 1179 estudiantes universitarios de Argentina, Brasil, Perú, Portugal, España, ...

This article analyzes the association between knowledge of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), evaluation of TRC's achievements, experience of victimization, attitudes toward remembering and forgetting past political violence, perceptions of socioemotional climate (SEC), belief in forgiveness and attitudes toward violence in Peru based on a study conducted in three Peruvian cities with different rates of victimization due to political violence during 1980–2000 (n = 1200). Results showed that a positive attitude toward remembering the past of political violence was predominant and related to a positive evaluation of TRC's achievements. Attitude toward remembering also has an ambivalent collective effect increasing both positive and negative SECs, and it is less accepted by victims of political violence. On the other hand, attitude toward forgetting is less accepted by participants, and it also has an ambivalent effect by increasing positive and negative SECs. Attitude toward forgetting has more societal costs, since it is related to attitudes toward violence and decreased knowledge and a positive evaluation of TRC. In general, findings suggest that remembering traumatic events has an emotional cost, but also it is shown that remembering seems to be more beneficial for society in the long‐term than forgetting.