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Most studies of nationalism are based on an understanding of the nation as a cultural collectivity that can be located in historical terms in the passage from the pre-modern to the modern era. Rather less attention is paid to spatial considerations. In this light, the paper argues that we cannot fully understand nationalism and its relationship to the nation unless we take into account territory. Firstly, nationalists must make claims over territory, since when they seek some form of self-government for the nation, such political power is premised on the possession of territory. At the same time, such claims and control over territory are justified by fusing nation and territory so that nation and territory come to be seen to belong to each other. The paper challenges the idea of national territorial control based on national territorial belonging from both a theoretical and an empirical perspective, before going on to explore some of the consequences of such a territorial understanding of nationalism, namely that the nation is a category based on spatial separation and thus all nationalist movements must conceive of the nation, at least partially, in exclusive, noncivic terms ; La mayoría de los estudios sobre el nacionalismo entiende la nación como una colectividad cultural que se puede situar en términos históricos en la transición de la época premoderna a la moderna. Se ha prestado menos atención a consideraciones de espacio. En este contexto, este artículo propone que no podemos comprender totalmente tanto el nacionalismo como su relación con la nación, sin tener en cuenta la cuestión del territorio. En primer lugar, los nacionalistas deben hacer reivindicaciones sobre territorio ya que el tipo de poder político que reivindican en nombre de la nación -alguna forma de autogobierno- depende de la posesión de territorio. Al mismo tiempo, se justifica las reivindicaciones sobre el territorio al fusionar nación y territorio de tal manera que parece que uno pertenece al otro y vice versa. Este artículo cuestiona, desde un punto de vista tanto empírico como teórico, la idea de que el control territorial en nombre de la nación se pueda considerar como el corolario natural de la proposición de que nación y territorio pertenecen el uno al otro. Finalmente, el artículo analiza algunas de las consecuencias que puede tener esta manera de comprender el nacionalismo, y en concreto que la nación es una categoría de análisis basa-do en la separación espacial y, por tanto, todos los movimientos nacionalistas están obligados a concebir la nación, al menos en parte, en términos exclusivos y no-cívicos

International audience ; This paper seeks to explain the historic importance to Catalan nationalism of the nineteenth-century poet and priest, Jacint Verdaguer. In order to do so, rather than focus on his contribution - and that of the wider cultural revival, the Renaixença - to the development of the Catalan language as the basis for national political mobilisation, this paper argues that we cannot fully understand Verdaguer's importance without reference to his role in constructing a geographical narrative linking nation and territory. At the same time, given that national meanings are always contested, the paper proposes a dialectical approach to nationalism that situates the work of writers within the context of power struggles between social groups. Consequently, Veradguer's centrality to Catalan nationalism is ultimately explained by his role in producing a geographical narrative capable of attracting important sectors of rural Catalonia to the hegemonic project of the industrial bourgeoisie.

This paper seeks to explain the historic importance to Catalan nationalism of the nineteenth-century poet and priest, Jacint Verdaguer. In order to do so, rather than focus on his contribution – and that of the wider cultural revival, the Renaixença - to the development of the Catalan language as the basis for national political mobilisation, this paper argues that we cannot fully understand Verdaguer's importance without reference to his role in constructing a geographical narrative linking nation and territory. At the same time, given that national meanings are always contested, the paper proposes a dialectical approach to nationalism that situates the work of writers within the context of power struggles between social groups. Consequently, Veradguer's centrality to Catalan nationalism is ultimately explained by his role in producing a geographical narrative capable of attracting important sectors of rural Catalonia to the hegemonic project of the industrial bourgeoisie.

AbstractNationalism can be understood as a doctrine of territorial political legitimacy, in the sense that demands for national self‐government necessarily involve claims over a given territory. Such claims are ultimately justified by establishing a relationship of mutual belonging between the nation and 'its' territory. This makes nationalism intrinsically exclusionary and potentially violent, since purely civic nations become impossible in practice. Shared political and social values on their own fail to bind nation and territory together, and as such the nation's 'home' might be anywhere, and thus, in a world of competing political claims over territory, nowhere. Ethnic elements of national identity are therefore necessary if an exclusive relationship is to be established between the nation and 'its' territory. These arguments are illustrated by analysing a series of nationalisms that have been traditionally considered to be 'civic,' such as those found in the United States, Canada and England.

Political Islam in a Time of Revolt -- Contents -- 1 From Revolution to Moderation: The Long Road of Political Islam -- Introduction -- The Sociology of Power -- Circular Power Relations -- Linear Power Relations -- Actors -- The Elites -- The Population -- Power Resources -- System Structure -- The Analysis of the Political Islam -- Islamism and the Population -- Ideological Pragmatism and the Abandonment of Fundamentalist Postulates -- Relations with Regimes -- Conclusion: Political Islam and Democracy -- Structure of the Book -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 2 Political Islam in Turkey: From the Periphery to the State and Society Control -- Turkey as a Case Study -- Social Bases of Islamic Parties and Groups: Integrating Peripheral Groups into the System -- The Nature of Islamic Actors: Origins, Parties and Brotherhoods -- The Islamist Parties, Erbakan's Lineage and the AKP Party -- Orders, Brotherhoods and Neo-Brotherhoods -- Power Resources at the Service of Islamist Actors: Ideology and Media Control, the AKP's Main Instrument -- The Nature of Power Relations Between the Systems' Major Political Actors: Explaining the Favourable Change of Status for Islamist Actors -- The Ideological Discourse: Between Liberal Islam and State Control -- Conclusions -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 3 Lebanon: Islamism, Communities and Spillover of the Arab Spring -- Islamism in Lebanon -- The Shiite Community -- Hezbollah -- Power Relations and Organisational Structure -- Power Resources -- Alliances and Power Relations -- Action, Strategies and Relations with the State -- Public Discourse -- Sunni Islamism -- Jama'a Islamiya (JI) -- Power Relations and Organisational Structure -- Power Resources -- Alliances and Power Relations -- Action, Strategies and Relations with the State -- Public Discourse -- Salafism -- Power Relations and Organisational Structure