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This article employs a pathmodel analysis to test a mobilization version of social participation theory in the context of a non-Western society, Macau. Our study represents an advance on previous work because we compare the relative importance of civic skills and political interest in transmitting the effects of associational life to political participation. We find that, as in the West, voluntary organizations in non-Western societies act as "schools of democracy" in which individuals acquire civic skills and become more interested in politics. There is no direct causal relationship between associational participation and political involvement; the effects of associational participation on political involvement are mediated through civic skills and political interest, with the former playing a bigger role as a mediator. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

This article employs a path model analysis to test a mobilization version of social participation theory in the context of a non-Western society, Macau. Our study represents an advance on previous work because we compare the relative importance of civic skills and political interest in transmitting the effects of associational life to political participation. We find that, as in the West, voluntary organizations in non-Western societies act as "schools of democracy" in which individuals acquire civic skills and become more interested in politics. There is no direct causal relationship between associational participation and political involvement the effects of associational participation on political involvement are mediated through civic skills and political interest, with the former playing a bigger role as a mediator. Adapted from the source document.

Long before China promulgated the official One Belt One Road initiatives, vast networks of cross-border exchanges already existed across Asia and Eurasia. The dynamics of such trade and resource flows have largely been outside state control, and are pushed to the realm of the shadow economy. The official initiative is a state-driven attempt to enhance the orderly flow of resources across countries along the Belt and Road, hence extending the reach of the states to the shadow economies. This volume offers a bottom-up view of the transborder informal exchanges across Asia and Eurasia, and analyses its clash and mesh with the state-orchestrated Belt and Road cooperation. By undertaking a comparative study of country cases along the new silk roads, the book underlines the intended and unintended consequences of such competing routes of connectivity on the socio-economic conditions of local communities.

Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Preface -- Abbreviations -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Fragmented sovereignty and unregulated flows -- 3. In and out of the shadows -- 4. Circulations in shadow corridors -- 5. Past and present -- 6. Formal versus informal practices -- 7. Formal versus informal Chinese presence -- 8. State approaches to non-state interactions -- 9. Integration in post-Soviet Central Asia -- 10. In the shadow of constructed borderlands -- 11. High-end globalization and low-end globalization -- Index

China's socialist employment system has undergone radical changes since the 1990s along with enterprise restructuring. Surplus workers have been laid off from state-owned enterprises in large numbers. China's policy program for the management of layoffs in this process of enterprise restructuring has been evaluated as an example of 'good practices in labor administration'. In this paper, we use original field data collected in Beijing, supplemented by additional information from recent Chinese studies, to assess this evaluation. We apply for this purpose the criteria often used by development agencies to evaluate governance systems, namely, accountability, transparency, consistency, participation, & information flow. Using these criteria as a yardstick, we argue that the Chinese experience in reforming their employment system through massive layoffs & re-employment is better characterized as a classic case of 'muddling through' rather than a shining example of 'good governance'. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 20 References. [Copyright 2004 The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]

Due to an error during the editorial process, the article published was not the finalized one [.]

This research examines the mediating role of the tendency for Internet addiction, fear of missing out (FOMO), and psychological well-being in the relationship between online exposure to movement-related information and support for radical actions. A questionnaire survey that targets tertiary students was conducted during the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) Movement (N = 290). The findings reveal the mediating effect of Internet addiction and depression as the main relationship. These findings enrich the literature of political communication by addressing the political impact of Internet use beyond digital architecture. From the perspective of psychology, this research echoes the literature that concerns depression symptoms driven by a protest environment. Radical political attitudes driven by depression during protests should also be concerned based on the findings of this survey.