Suchergebnisse

À partir des années 1980, le néolibéralisme a créé une inégalité socio-économique intolérable dans et entre diverses nations du monde. Cela a généré deux mouvements opposés. Le premier est le néofascisme présent dans divers pays et dans des mouvements politiques. Aux États-Unis, il est illustré par la combinaison de la bigoterie, de l'autoritarisme et de la brutalité du « trumpisme ». Le deuxième mouvement s'oppose au fascisme et englobe le progressisme du sénateur Bernie Sanders et le mouvement Black Lives Matter . Dans cet article, nous nous focalisons sur ce dernier en argumentant que son organisation antiraciste et décentralisée promet deux développements innovateurs dans la pratique démocratique pour les États-Unis et le monde entier. Si le parti démocratique ne soutient pas ces pratiques et adopte des changements socio-économiques, alors le « trumpisme » sera de retour au pouvoir. Par conséquent, où ?

In an age where diversity is increasingly accepted as a value as well as a fact, ethico-political cosmopolitanism should propose a notion of global unity that is composed of rather than imposed on difference. Jacques Derrida and Walter Mignolo offer different versions of this view of cosmopolitanism. Derrida's version is based on his notion of "democracy to come". He characterizes this notion as an "unconditional" or "quasi-transcendental" injunction. Mignolo castigates this injunction as an "abstract universal". He offers instead "a critical and dialogic" view of cosmopolitanism that is based more speci cally on the "colonial difference" or "border thinking" of Latin American subaltern groups. I argue that Derrida's many implicit and explicit references to "voices" suggest a third alternative. This contender avoids certain problems in Derrida's and Mignolo's otherwise compelling views of cosmopolitanism. It also retains the universality of Derrida's unconditional injunction but on the basis of the sort of worldly immanency urged by Mignolo's border thinking. ; En una era donde la diversidad es progresivamente aceptada como un valor tanto como un hecho, el cosmopolitismo ético-político debe proponer una noción de unidad global que sea compuesta en vez de impuesta por la diferencia. Jacques Derrida y Walter Mignolo ofrecen versiones distintas de esta visión del cosmopolitismo. La versión de Derrida está basada en su noción de "la democracia por venir". Caracteriza esta noción como un mandato "incondicional" o cuasi transcendental. Mignolo se queja de este mandato como un "universal abstracto". En su lugar ofrece una versión "crítica y dialógica" del cosmopolitismo basada más específicamente en "la diferencia colonial" o "el pensamiento fronterizo" de los grupos subalternos de América latina. Yo argumento que las referencias implícitas y explícitas de Derrida a las "voces" sugieren una tercera alternativa. Esta opción impide ciertos problemas que podemos atender en los convincentes puntos de vista de Derrida y Mignolo acerca del cosmopolitismo. También esta opción preserva la universalidad que tiene el mandato incondicional de Derrida pero sobre la base de un tipo de inmanencia material impulsada por el pensamiento fronterizo de Mignolo

Introduces Mikhail Bakhtin's (eg, 1981) concept of "dialogized heteroglossia" to the discussion of multiculturalism & postcolonialism. It is argued that Bakhtin interprets humans as inherently linguistic & dialogical, dialogue as hybrid, &, thus, humans as hybrid. Although Bakhtin fails to fully clarify the human-language relationship & its wider social implications, these shortcomings can be rectified by integrating his ideas into a broader reading of the linguistic community as a polyphonic entity structured by a creative monoglossia-heteroglossia tension. Such a reading, combined with an account of human institutions, generates an inclusionary theory of justice that allows all voices in a multicultural society to be heard without permitting racist & sexist discourses to speak policy. E. Blackwell

Public space is political space. When a work of public art is put up or taken down, it is an inherently political statement, and the work's aesthetics are inextricably entwined with its political valences. Democracy's openness allows public art to explore its values critically and to suggest new ones. However, it also facilitates artworks that can surreptitiously or fortuitously undermine democratic values. Today, as bigotry and authoritarianism are on the rise and democratic movements seek to combat them, as Confederate monuments fall and sculptures celebrating diversity rise, the struggle over the values enshrined in the public arena has taken on a new urgency. In this book, Fred Evans develops philosophical and political criteria for assessing how public art can respond to the fragility of democracy. He calls for considering such artworks as acts of citizenship, pointing to their capacity to resist autocratic tendencies and reveal new dimensions of democratic society. Through close considerations of Chicago's Millennium Park and New York's National September 11 Memorial, Evans shows how a wide range of artworks participate in democratic dialogues. A nuanced consideration of contemporary art, aesthetics, and political theory, this book is a timely and rigorous elucidation of how thoughtful public art can contribute to the flourishing of a democratic way of life

Public space is political space. When a work of public art is put up or taken down, it is an inherently political statement, and the work's aesthetics are inextricably entwined with its political valences. Democracy's openness allows public art to explore its values critically and to suggest new ones. However, it also facilitates artworks that can surreptitiously or fortuitously undermine democratic values. Today, as bigotry and authoritarianism are on the rise and democratic movements seek to combat them, as Confederate monuments fall and sculptures celebrating diversity rise, the struggle over the values enshrined in the public arena has taken on a new urgency.In this book, Fred Evans develops philosophical and political criteria for assessing how public art can respond to the fragility of democracy. He calls for considering such artworks as acts of citizenship, pointing to their capacity to resist autocratic tendencies and reveal new dimensions of democratic society. Through close considerations of Chicago's Millennium Park and New York's National September 11 Memorial, Evans shows how a wide range of artworks participate in democratic dialogues. A nuanced consideration of contemporary art, aesthetics, and political theory, this book is a timely and rigorous elucidation of how thoughtful public art can contribute to the flourishing of a democratic way of life.

Ethnic cleansing and other methods of political and social exclusion continue to thrive in our globalized world, complicating the idea that unity and diversity can exist in the same society. When we emphasize unity, we sacrifice heterogeneity, yet when we stress diversity, we create a plurality of individuals connected only by tenuous circumstance. As long as we remain tethered to these binaries, as long as we are unable to imagine the sort of society we want in an age of diversity, we cannot achieve an enduring solution to conflicts that continue unabated despite our increasing proxim

The disproportionate liberalism of US academics, as documented in a number of recent studies (eg, Ladd, Everett, Lipset, Seymour Martin, & Trow, Martin [Directors], Carnegie Commission National Survey of Higher Education -- Faculty Study [1969, additional publication information not provided]; Roizen, Judy, Fulton, Oliver, & Trow, Martin, Technical Report: 1975 Carnegie Council National Surveys of Higher Education, Center for Studies in Higher Education, 1978; & Ladd, Everett & Lipset, Seymour Martin [Directors], 1975 & 1977 Surveys of the American Professoriate, Social Science Center, U of Connecticut, [additional publication information not provided]), is explained in terms of two arguments: (1) that academics constitute an emergent "status group" with which a distinctive "style of life" or subculture is associated; & (2) that the source of academic liberalism is best explained in terms of the "status incongruence" of academics in certain key discipline groupings, notably the social sciences. 10 Tables. Modified HA.

À partir d'une analyse issue de la théorie du discours de Mikhaïl Bakhtine, on reconnaît une problématique à caractère dialogique dans le contexte du soulèvement déclenché par le mouvement zapatiste au Mexique. Bakhtine a en effet développé une conception du dialogisme où sont définies les notions de plurilinguisme, d'hybridation et de compréhension de la multiplicité des « voix » habitant chaque discours. Le discours zapatiste, dans la manière dont il prend la forme et dans sa composition même, ainsi que dans son opposition au discours officiel du pouvoir dans la société mexicaine, représente une telle position dialogique en mettant en scène une diversité de voix qui réclament leur reconnaissance politique dans la perspective des droits de l'Homme et du droit des peuples à l'autodétermination.