Suchergebnisse

Although research has considered how poor governance, exclusionary politics and electoral malpractice affect election violence, the effect of hate speech on election violence has not received adequate academic attention. Using a mixed methods approach with qualitative dominance, this study examines the effect of hate speech on election violence in Nigeria during the 2011, 2015 and 2019 presidential elections. The article demonstrates that an entrenched culture of hate speech is an oft-neglected major driver of election violence in Nigeria. The study concludes that the implementation of existing anti-hate speech laws presents an opportunity for protecting the rights of minority groups, promoting political inclusion and preventing election violence in Nigeria and beyond.

Contrary to the Western liberal school that argued that corruption is a product of moral laxity or decadence; lack of common standard of morality, growing cultural and religious decay, we posit that the root of corruption should not be sought in the value and attitude of individuals in the society rather in the nature of social relations of production. Despite the efforts by political leaderships to evolve anti- corruption strategies, agencies and programmes in Nigeria especially under President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007), the incidence of corruption remains the major enemy of economic growth. Owners of capital and investors consider the Nigerian economy as unsafe for investment due to the prevalence of corrupt political leaderships. In this paper, we explore the impact of political corruption on economic growth in Nigeria since the return of democratic government in 1999. Data was collected largely from documented evidence and analyzed with qualitative descriptive method. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p69

In the face of extreme political distrust among the different ethnic groups in Nigeria, this paper examines the implications of zoning public offices for liberal democracy and economic development. Data was sourced from interview of elder statesmen sampled from the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria, secondary documents and direct observation. The paper argues that the zoning principle is elitist. Hence, the abandonment of principle is anti-elitist and the political elites whose economic survival depends on the zoning arrangement will always rise to defend it. Frequently, the elites employ hate speech, blackmail and violence to defend zoning which has proved to be the easiest means to power and wealth in Africa. The then dominant political party in Nigeria, Peoples Democratic Party, used the zoning principle to reduce political, religious and ethnic tension from 1999 to 2015. The distortion of the zoning principle in 2010 after the death of President Yar'Adua led to a political chain reaction mostly expressed by loss of the presidential election by the ruling party in 2015. The then opposition party which is in charge of the new government has abandoned the zoning principle and disproportionally appointed Northerners into major public offices in Nigeria. Different ethnic groups based in the South-East and South-South have renewed calls for disintegration of Nigeria. This paper recommends that the new government should maintain the zoning principle among the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria to promote national stability and guarantee economic development. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2016.v7n3s1p328

This paper examines the roles, limitations and prospects of AU in conflict resolution in Africa. It was conducted using documentary analysis as well as discourse analysis approaches. The paper observed that the mono-cultural political economy of Africa is the immediate cause of conflicts while the remote cause of conflicts in Africa is the arbitrariness in creation of the boundaries. The article examined the Peace Operation in Burundi; role of AU mediation team and the Abuja Inter-Sudanese Peace Talks; African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM); AU's role in recent crises in Libya and Côte d'Ivoire. The paper concludes that AU has played very important role in conflict resolution in the region. At least AU raises the alarm for international community to intervene. However, AU's missions have the limitations of financial barriers as well as dearth of technical capacity. The paper recommends that AU should appropriate over 70% of her annual budget to a special fund for responding to conflict emergencies so that it will react swiftly to conflict emergencies. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p325

The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also examines how these differences shape post-war Igbo nationalism. In the main, this article argues that the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is underpinned by unequal distribution of rights and powers accruing from productive resources. This unequal distribution of rights and powers results in differential material well-being and gives rise to conflicts between the dominant and subordinate classes. This explains the divergent approaches of the different factions of Igbo petty bourgeoisie to Igbo nationalism in Nigeria. The article concludes that understanding the political economy of the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is relevant for resolving the nationality question and the Biafra secessionist agitations in Nigeria and others across Africa.

Globalisation has promoted the connections among sovereign states in the international political economy. Despite the preponderance of neo-protectionist tendencies in the United States and some European countries, the import of regionalism in global political economy has not waned. While economic regionalism was adopted in the advanced capitalist formations as a logical consequence of and/or the instrument for the universalisation of capitalism, the emergence and/or revival of regional groupings like the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was a reactionary outcome of the twin problems of colonialism and globalisation. Specifically, West African states reached out to one another in order to mitigate the negative effects of globalisation and advance their common interest through economic integration. This study interrogates the relevance of ECOWAS in the international political economy within the global resurgence of protectionism. Although ECOWAS is impaired by multifarious political and socioeconomic challenges, this study demonstrates that its achievements in free movement of goods and persons, promotion of peace, security, good governance, and democratisation make it remain relevant in the global political economy.

There is still little discussion on how community-based organizations (CBOs) may help counter violent extremism (CVE) in Nigeria. This research explores the implications of CBOs' use of external networks for CVE and the distribution of humanitarian aid in North-East Nigeria. It finds that because CBOs depend so heavily on outside funding, they are constantly exposed to the demands and whims of donors. We therefore urge the government to prioritize CBOs in CVE programmes and operations to reduce external influence and to limit the spread of violent extremism in the region.

AbstractThe use of hate speech for political mobilisation and its overall impact on democratisation have generated debate and controversy in both post-colonial formations and more advanced democracies. This is because hate speech tends to promote hatred between different ethnic groups. In Nigeria, it is usually deployed in the build up to elections. Using mixed methods approach, this study interrogates the consequences of hate speech as a political campaign strategy on electioneering and democratisation in Nigeria. The study argues that the use of hate speech in political campaign entrenches hatred and discriminatory voting pattern among citizens. It grossly affects democratisation, the quality of party programmes and candidates chosen by voters. Despite its appeal to extreme right populism based on ethnic voting and other forms of exclusionary politics, the use of hate speech as a political campaign strategy neither promotes the principles of majoritarian democracy nor protects minority rights.