Suchergebnisse

Large-scale infrastructural development schemes are currently experiencing a worldwide political revival. Beyond establishing physical connections over distance, enhancing trade relations, and enabling service delivery, such schemes also play a central role in the construction of political entities. For the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), infrastructure development is crucial for the advancement of regional connectivity. Its Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) includes large-scale projects such as the trans-ASEAN highway, trans-regional power grids, and a regional gas pipeline network. Linking Henri Lefebvre's conceptualization on the production of space with recent literature on the role of infrastructure imaginaries, this paper explores how the region's future is envisioned in the Southeast Asian dream of connectivity. The study primarily relies on a hermeneutic analysis of video releases that promote the Master Plan. It shows that—similar to other infrastructure projects—the connectivity dream is closely related to imaginaries of movement and modernity. However, as it is almost exclusively an urban vision, the connectivity agenda seems not only to interconnect and homogenize regional space but it may also enforce preexisting disconnections and so potentially lead to more fragmentation. (Pac Aff/GIGA)

Der indonesische Energiesektor basiert zum überwiegenden Teil auf der Nutzung fossiler Energieträger. Dies bringt nicht nur anhaltend hohe Emissionsraten mit sich und stellt damit die Klimaziele der indonesischen Regierung in Frage, sondern führt auch zu einer Reihe von sozio-ökonomischen Problemen. Besonders bedenklich ist dabei die Förderung und Verstromung von Kohle, welche vor allem die Lebensbedingungen in den Abbau- und Kraftwerksgebieten stark beeinträchtigt.

The article aims at expanding political ecology research towards the role and constitution of states by demonstrating how local stateness is negotiated within conflicts over natural resources. It draws on a qualitative field study on the conflict over coal mining in East Kalimantan's capital Samarinda, Indonesia, where certain characteristics of states, such as the monopoly of violence and the rule of law, are being affirmed, altered, or undermined through practices of state and non-state actors alike. These practices do not only challenge state representations, but also reveal the symbolic importance of ideas about the state. The theoretical framework is developed on the basis of Joel S. Migdal's state in society approach together with a later work of Pierre Bourdieu and Philip Abrams' thoughts about the nature of states. (ASEAS/GIGA)

The article aims at expanding political ecology research towards the role and constitution of states by demonstrating how local stateness is negotiated within conflicts over natural resources. It draws on a qualitative field study on the conflict over coal mining in East Kalimantan's capital Samarinda, Indonesia, where certain characteristics of states, such as the monopoly of violence and the rule of law, are being affirmed, altered, or undermined through practices of state and non-state actors alike. These practices do not only challenge state representations, but also reveal the symbolic importance of ideas about the state. The theoretical framework is developed on the basis of Joel S. Migdal's state in society approach together with a later work of Pierre Bourdieu and Philip Abrams' thoughts about the nature of states.

ABSTRACTPursuing a PhD is an exigent endeavor entailing various psychological and organizational challenges. This article proposes our adaptation of the agile method Scrum, which we call "ScrumAdemia," as a solution. We illustrate how ScrumAdemia helps us to overcome the challenges related to workflows, working conditions, and mental health during doctoral research. We use data from a self-evaluation survey executed over 18 months, as well as an extended focus-group discussion to assess ScrumAdemia's usefulness. Our experiences show that ScrumAdemia helps us to (1) overcome limitations of organization and structure relating to working conditions; (2) solve time-management problems affecting workflows; and (3) remedy the lack of support. This study has broader implications for doctoral research: more attention should be given to creating structures for peer-to-peer support.

Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs) have been concluded with Global South countries whose energy production is heavily reliant on the use of fossil fuels, especially coal. The partnerships' objective is to support a "just" pathway to energy sector decarbonisation. The potential and pitfalls of the JETP agreements with South Africa, Indonesia, and Vietnam are worthy of closer examination. JETPs are underfunded, with grants constituting only a very small share of their financing. JETPs have significant shortcomings. While South Africa plans to decommission a number of coal-fired power plants, Indonesia and Vietnam will both increase the number of them in use. Only the South African JETP allocates a higher share of investments to more environmentally sustainable energy solutions like solar and wind power, while the Indonesian JETP focuses on geothermal and hydro sources and even includes nuclear energy in the mix. Vietnam's plan encompasses liquified natural gas and gas-fired power plants. The individual agreements lack a common understanding of what "just" means and reveal significant shortcomings concerning the incorporation of this key dimension. Civil society is not properly listened to, while in Vietnam activists and experts have even been jailed. In all three countries, especially in Indonesia and Vietnam, the prevailing political- economic structures privilege the use of fossil fuels and, as such, represent a significant obstacle to a just energy transition. Any such endeavour requires, accordingly, a change in political and economic power relations.

Jair Bolsonaro's presidency has been characterised by a sharp increase in deforestation and greenhouse gas emissions, support for agribusiness, and the repression of indigenous peoples and environmental activists. At the Glasgow COP26 climate conference this November, however, Brazil presented itself as more willing to compromise. Yet, the reasons for new pledges do not indicate a changed mindset, but rather an increasing commodification of climate protection that serves economic interests.
Brazil's contribution to international climate protection is urgently needed. At first sight, the promises made by the Brazilian government at the Glasgow climate conference seem surprising, as Jair Bolsonaro's presidency has been marked by increasing deforestation and greenhouse gas emissions and reduced climate protection measures.
A closer look at the government's record and its new pledges reveals that they do not represent a real shift in the country's climate policy. Greenwashing rhetoric aside, the latest pledges also need to be understood as an attempt to secure profits from financialised conservation mechanisms such as voluntary carbon markets.
Chances for a real turnaround in Brazil's domestic and international climate approach will come only with a change of president in the upcoming elections in October 2022. Until then, the hopes for climate action lie with Brazil's federal states and with civil society organisations, both of which have been implementing climate initiatives on the subnational level and demonstrated strong unity and commitment at the Glasgow summit.
Until a new federal government is putatively elected in 2022, European policy­makers and non-governmental organisations should actively support indigenous communities and subnational and civil society initiatives working towards sustainable and socially just ways of climate protection. European banks and enterprises should avoid investing in "greenwashing initiatives" and instead support sustainable and socially responsible projects that contribute to climate protection in the long term.

Being the fourth-largest country in the world and hosting the third-largest share of global rainforest stocks, Indonesia plays an essential role in international climate protection. While the government has implemented forest and peatland protection measures, national energy planning heavily relies on fossil fuels, and is in clear conflict with the country's climate goals. Indonesia is one of the largest coal producers and exporters worldwide. The current expansion of coal combustion for domestic electricity supply is likely to lead to long-term dependency thereon in upcoming decades. Indonesia's rush for coal, commencing early in the new century, is a result of the country's decentralisation reforms and the persistency of structures of corruption and politico-business entanglements.
The 2015 plans for extensive expansion of the coal fleet brings together the government's infrastructure plans and the interests of the domestic coal industry, which lost part of its market due to a drop in international demand. The government's energy planning contradicts its goals to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and expand the share of renewable energies. A more sustainable long-term strategy is still missing, and no serious plans for an energy transition exist so far. Especially Indonesia's continued reliance on coal, further to the tremendous environmental and social impacts open-strip mining and the construction of new power plants bring about, have led to intensifying criticism both internationally and domestically. This pressure has led to some minor policy corrections, but without changing the general energy pathway of the country.
European policymakers should actively support initiatives working towards a more just and environmentally sustainable energy system. Once Germany is convincingly implementing measures to decarbonise its own energy system, meet its climate goals, and thoroughly implement its coal phase-out, it could figure as a best practice example for emerging economies like Indonesia. Until then, European banks and enterprises should divest from any coal-related business and shift towards supporting the development of renewable energies.