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The idea of the parallel power system within the Shi'ite political thinking emerged during the 16th century. It was when worldly rulers offered the Shi'ite legal scholars influence in the judiciary, education and social care. In exchange they wanted religious legetimacy for their worldly power. The parallell power system was a compromise in Shi'ite political thinking. It was a third option between political passivity, quietism, and revolutionary ideas based on judicial and theological arguments. It was a compromise that found a model for cooperation with worldly power. This was a power distribution system that lasted in four hundred years, but was abandouned during the interwar period in early twentinth century. The abandounment of this compromise was one of the main reasons to the revolution in Iran in 1979. The purpose of this chapter is to show how this compromise was formed, what theological and judicial arguments the Shi'ite legal scholars used to legimate their cooperation with worldy rulers who did not fullfil their ideal of worldly rulers, and how its abandounment led to the revolution in Iran. This chapter conclude with an overview of the religious criticism directed at the revolutionary model that replaced the parallel power system.

The 11th February, 2010 marked the commemoration of the thirty-first anniversary of the Islamic revolution in Iran. In 1979, the Shi'ite Islamists assumed power there. Since then, Shi'a politics has played a dominant role in the development of both Iran and several other countries in the Middle East. This has included the restructuring of the political map in Iraq since the fall of the dictator Saddam Hussein, which has meant that Shi'ite political parties and leading Shi'ite scribes play a decisive role in the politics of the country, as well as the dominant role of Hizbollah in the Lebanon. Shi'ite groups in a number of countries supporting a Sunni majority have also moved more to the fore. The development that has taken place in Shi'a dominated areas over the last three decades is seen to be based on a Shi'ite tradition of political ideas which has emerged during the 1400 year history of Shi'a Islam. One feature of this development has been the predominant role of the scribes in politics, and their regard for a tradition of political ideas which excludes any sharp distinction between the state/politics and religion. The question is whether this picture agrees with the view held by Shi'ite thinkers regarding the relationship between the state and religion. A backward glance at Shi'a history reveals that no shared view exists among Shi'ite scholars on the subject of politics and this particular relationship. Seen from a history of ideas perspective, it is not possible to speak about an unchanged metahistorical-political discourse which must have coloured all political thought throughout Shi'a history. We find, rather, a broad spectrum of different views among Shi'ite scholars, whose most apparent feature has been that of being shaped and changed by way of interaction with social and political conditions in Shi'a dominated regions. These views include revolutionary radicalism, realpolitik thought and political quietism, or abstinence. The differences between them can be found in the prevailing political and historical circumstances of long ago, but the question is whether this model of explanation suffices for making clear why one group of Shi'ite scholars should be drawn towards revolutionary radicalism while another sought out quietism - abstinence from politics - and yet another pursued realpolitik thought. Another question is whether, aside from the influence of social, historical and political structures and relations, a closer look should also be taken at the importance of the tradition of theological interpretation. Did, for example, the view of the relationship between faith and reason play any part in this context?

Shiitiska rättslärda spelar en central roll i den politiska utvecklingen i Irak efter diktatorn Saddam Husseins fall. Utvecklingen efter den USA-ledda invasionen visar att de shiitiska rättslärdas förhållningssätt till den världsliga makten kan spåras tillbaka till ett beprövat handlingsmönster i shias historia.

Doktrinen om den rättslärdes styre, velayat-e faqih, har varit föremål för omfattande kritik. På vilka grunder riktas kritik mot denna doktrinen?

AbstractIran's scientific impact has suffered hard from decades of imposed and self‐elected isolation from Western influences and international collaboration. Lately, however, the world has witnessed a remarkable increase in scientific publications from Iranian scientists in fields like nanotechnology; material science; and, perhaps most pronounced, chemistry. In this article, the factors behind this "publication boom" are discussed and examined together with an analysis of the coherence between the country's long‐term research strategies and short‐term needs in relation to present organic chemical research conducted at various Iranian universities and institutes. Organic chemistry is a keystone in important Iranian industrial sectors like the petroleum and agricultural industries, and also in the growing field of life science and pharmacology. The development of the petroleum industry and further refinement of raw oil into value‐added fine chemicals holds a key position in the reinforcement of the Iranian economy and labor market, thus motivating a governmental investment in chemical science and research. Taking an approach to find a reasonable balance with the impact from Western and Far Eastern scientific communities, Iran's own scientific roots and Islamic ideology could well be the success factor in becoming a worthy player on the international scientific arena.